for their support. And, as parties gain strength by union, it was easy for these elements, at first discordant, gradually to assimilate. Nor need we question the motives of any individual or class of men. It is fair to presume, that, at this stage of our political progress, there was as much patriotism and sincerity on both sides as at any other period. It is true, that, when a man gives himself up to a party, he is apt to forget his country; yet in all free communities there must be parties, and every man must belong to one or another, so that his motives should be judged by his conduct and character, rather than by the side he takes. The necessity of parties is not identical with their abuse. The former is the safeguard of liberty, the latter its bane. If the people would enjoy the one, they must be enlightened enough to perceive and virtuous enough to correct the other.

But this is not the place to examine into the origin or principles of the two great parties, which at that time began to divide the country, and which have continued ever since, with such modifications as have sprung from events and circumstances. It needs only to be said, that they were viewed with deep regret by Washington, and with a painful apprehension of their effects. Conscious of acting with the single aim of administering the government for the best interests and happiness of the people, he was mortified to find his endeavours thwarted at every step by party discords and personal enmities among those, who controlled public opinion by their standing and talents, and on whose aid he relied. It was not in Congress alone, that these jarrings occurred. They crept into the cabinet, disturbing its harmony, and dividing its counsels.

He had for some time been aware of a radical difference of opinion between the Secretary of State and the

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Secretary of the Treasury, on some of the most important measures of the administration. The causes were deeply seated. Hamilton regarded the Constitution as affording inadequate powers to the general government, and believed its weakness to be its greatest defect. Hence he thought its success could be hoped for only by construing and administering it in such a manner, as would add the greatest degree of strength to the executive. Jefferson's sentiments and fears ran in an opposite direction. To him it appeared, that there was too much power in the head, that the exercise of the executive authority ought to be restrained, and that the rights of States and the liberty of the people were in jeopardy. The funding system, the assumption of the State debts, the bank, and the tax on domestic spirits, were all at variance with his principles.

These measures originated with Hamilton, and constituted the prominent features of the administration. The ability with which they had been planned, and their success, contributed to elevate their author in the public estimation, which, to say the least, could not be supposed to gratify the feelings of his colleague, especially as he looked upon the measures themselves to be wrong and fraught with mischief; nor could it be expected, that the two secretaries would harmonize in devising the means of carrying them into execution. It should be stated, nevertheless, that Jefferson discharged the duties of his office to the entire satisfaction of the President. Though differing in opinion from the majority of the cabinet, he did not allow his private views to influence his conduct as a member of that council, or as holding a responsible station in the government. Nothing more, perhaps, could reasonably be required of him, under the circumstances in which he was placed; yet, as it regarded the success of the

administration, a reluctant performance of duty was far from being the same thing as the cordial and vigorous support of a willing mind. In all respects, therefore, these disagreements were unpropitious, embarrassing to the President, and injurious to the public welfare.

The deep anxiety he felt on this subject, his ardent desire to heal the breach, and the means he took to accomplish it, will appear in the following extract from a letter, which he wrote to Jefferson.

"How unfortunate, and how much to be regretted is it, that, while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies and insidious friends, internal dissensions should be harrowing and tearing our vitals. The latter, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the most afflicting of the two; and, without more charity for the opinions and acts of one another in governmental matters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test of experience, are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if not impracticable, to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it together; for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the machine after measures are decided on, one pulls this way and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder; and in my opinion the fairest prospect of happiness and prosperity, that ever was presented to man, will be lost perhaps for ever.

"My earnest wish and my fondest hope, therefore, is, that, instead of wounding suspicions and irritating charges, there may be liberal allowances, mutual forbearances, and temporizing yieldings on all sides. Under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly, and, if possible, more prosperously. Without them,

every thing must rub; the wheels of government will clog; our enemies will triumph, and, by throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish the ruin of the goodly fabric we have been erecting.

"I do not mean to apply this advice, or these observations, to any particular person or character. I have given them in the same general terms to other officers of the government; because the disagreements, which have arisen from difference of opinions, and the attacks, which have been made upon almost all the measures of government, and most of its executive officers, have for a long time past filled me with painful sensations, and cannot fail, I think, of producing unhappy consequences at home and abroad.”

He wrote likewise to Hamilton, nearly at the same time and almost in the same words, and added; "Differences in political opinions are as unavoidable, as, to a certain point, they may perhaps be necessary; but it is exceedingly to be regretted, that subjects cannot be discussed with temper on the one hand, or decisions submitted to without having the motives, which led to them, improperly implicated on the other; and this regret borders on chagrin, when we find that men of abilities, zealous patriots, having the same general objects in view, and the same upright intentions to prosecute them, will not exercise more charity in deciding on the opinions and actions of one another. When matters get to such lengths, the natural inference is, that both sides have strained the cords beyond their bearing, and that a middle course would be found the best, until experience shall have decided on the right way, or (which is not to be expected, because it is denied to mortals,) there shall be some infallible rule by which we could forejudge events."

In another letter to Jefferson, after again recommend

ing mutual forbearance and conciliation, he said; "A measure of this sort would produce harmony and consequent good in our public councils. The contrary will inevitably introduce confusion and serious mischiefs; and for what? Because mankind cannot think alike, but would adopt different means to attain the same ends. For I will frankly and solemnly declare, that I believe the views of both of you to be pure and well-meant, and that experience only will decide, with respect to the salutariness of the measures, which are the subjects of dispute. Why, then, when some of the best citizens in the United States, men of discernment, uniform and tried patriots, who have no sinister views to promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are to be found, some on one side and some on the other of the questions, which have caused these agitations, should either of you be so tenacious of your opinions, as to make no allowances for those of the other? I could, and indeed was about to add more on this interesting subject, but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressing a wish, that the cup, which has been presented to us, may not be snatched from our lips by a discordance of action, when I am persuaded there is no discordance in your views. I have a great, a sincere esteem and regard for you both, and ardently wish that some line may be marked out by which both of you could walk."

The two sec

other, both in

Unhappily this line was never found. retaries continued to diverge from each their political course and their private feelings, till their differences settled into a personal enmity, which neither the advice of friends could modify, nor time eradicate. This was the more lamented by Washington, as, according to his own declaration and the whole tenor of his intercourse, he had a sincere attachment to both