The Times correspondent at St. Petersburg stated that after Count Schouvaloff's return to London, the prospects of a settlement seemed yet for a time doubtful, but the clouds cleared away. It was known that great credit was due to the Russian diplomatist, who had been a favourite in London since his appointment as Ambassador in 1874, and who, according to the Daily News correspondent, was considered at St. Petersburg to represent that portion of Russian society, by far the most intelligent and the most European, which, while advocating every possible Governmental reform, is the most determined opponent of Panslavist Jacobinism. "This, under the cloak of nationality, orthodoxy, and autocracy, has for some time past made immense progress; it has urged on the war with Turkey, and so it is now agitating for war with England. The representatives of these sentiments and ideas, of which Moscow is the centre, and the Gazette of M. Katkoff the organ, are to be found everywhere, and some occupy very high positions. These view the arrival of Count Schouvaloff with great displeasure; and, dreading his return to office in Russia as the successor of Prince Gortschakoff, are exerting themselves to the utmost to oppose him." In this respect, according to the writer, "Count Schouvaloff's acceptableness with the Emperor Alexander is to be regarded as a sure proof of the pacific disposition of that monarch, and of his equitable intentions with reference to the future settlement of the East. At his very first interview with the Emperor he is said to have assailed the Treaty of San Stefano and its framers with rare frankness and boldness, representing the great mischief they had caused by risking the compromise, by a policy of adventure and giddiness, of the results of the brilliant military achievements and of so many sacrifices. He pointed out that Russia was thereby placed in such a position as compelled her either to begin the work over again, which would entail sacrifices greater than those hitherto made, while the issue would be very uncertain, or else to resign herself to yield on all essential points. The influence of those who sought to prove the treaty no mistake had till then preserved the illusion that England was not in earnest, and that she might, after all, be satisfied with the semblance of concessions. But Count Schouvaloff seems to have succeeded in destroying this illusion; and the impression produced on the mind of the Czar by his unreserved statement was reported to have been so deep that no efforts of his adversaries could succeed in removing or even weakening it." The consequence of this was, that Lord Salisbury in the House of Lords, and Sir Stafford in the Lower Chamber, were enabled to announce that Germany had invited the European Powers to a Congress at Berlin for June 13. The object of the Congress was to discuss the provisions of the San Stefano Treaty, and Russia had agreed that the whole treaty should be discussed. Great was the interest created by the announcement that England's principal Plenipotentiaries were to be the Premier and the Foreign Minister, the Lords

Beaconsfield and Salisbury. Up to that time the name of Lord Lyons had been suggested. There were curious enquiries in both Houses. Lord Granville asked if there were any precedent for such a nomination, and cited Lord Derby's authority as to the unwisdom of sending the Foreign Secretary, which had no excuse if things were settled already, and would make the home-staying Cabinet ciphers if they were not. Both the Premier and Sir Stafford Northcote declared that the appointments had been fully discussed in the Cabinet, and would leave no bad effects behind. "Our absence," said Lord Beaconsfield amid much laughter, "will increase the importance of the others." For the rest, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on the old lines, declined all information as to the policy proposed in Congress, or the details of past negotiation. It was curious that in the world of journalism, the Standard, the old Tory organ, which throughout the whole question had held and deserved a strong and independently Conservative position, was least disposed to acquiesce in appointments whose conspicuousness dazzled the majority. "That Lord Beaconsfield," said one leading article, "should desire to meet the great German statesman at such a moment is perfectly intelligible, but it must be a strong motive that would take our Premier to Berlin. Is it so clear that his presence at the Congress would be an unmixed benefit?" And again in another: "We had hoped against hope that, even at the last moment, the resolution which had been communicated to us to send the Prime Minister and Lord Salisbury to the Berlin Congress would be abandoned; but it has been unfortunately maintained. We are sorry that we cannot persuade ourselves that the representation of England at the Congress of Berlin by two such Plenipotentiaries will prove a politic step. It is not its mere strangeness that staggers us. The announcement is unexpected, no doubt, but, like the transport of Indian troops to Malta, to assist in fighting the battles of the empire in Europe, its novelty would not stand in its way if its object were clearly ascertained, and could be deliberately approved."

On another point the Standard proved prophetic. "There are several indications, it said, that when Russia has satisfied England, or England satisfied Russia, the remaining States interested in the Eastern Question will not equally be contented. It is notorious that the more ostensibly amicable the relations of Russia and Great Britain, the more uneasy and suspicious has become the attitude of Austria. Turkey remains silent; but it is possible that the unspeakable Turk is busy thinking. Having failed to dispose of Turkey according to its own programme, Russia is falling back, we strongly suspect, on the parallel occupation policy-a policy originally hatched at Berlin, and which is therefore secure of the countenance of Prince Bismarck. The occupation of Ada Kaleh by Austrian troops and the deportment of that Power towards Montenegro, Servia, and Bosnia appear to point in the same direction. At the same time hints are thrown out

once more that Egypt would be more prosperous under European direction, and it is audibly suggested that England should assume a sort of indefinite protectorate over that portion of Turkish territory in Asia Minor left ungrasped by Russia.

We shall not condescend to spare anybody's susceptibilities by attempting to conceal or trifle with the truth. Were the parallel occupation policy thus more than indicated to be adopted, it would be hard for the English Government to justify its past inaction. The parallel occupation policy is far more reconcilable with the most passionate of Mr. Gladstone's pamphlets than with the soberer utterances of Conservative statesmen during the last two years. A parallel occupation of Turkey is only a euphemism for a general partition of Turkey; and if this were adopted now, and were approved by the English Government, we fail to perceive what answer it could give to those who reproached it with doing, after a painful and sanguinary war, what might have been done with much less bloodshed, and perhaps without any bloodshed at all.

A partition of the Ottoman Empire might leave the Sultan master of Constantinople, the Straits, and a certain amount of territory in Europe. But so would the parallel occupation scheme as first proposed. We have no objection to England accepting responsibility, within reasonable limits, for the better government of Turkey; but we do not wish to see this responsibility rewarded with spoil in order that others may filch territorial profit from the situation."

In the same paper, at about the same time, appeared an interesting account from Malta of the Indian contingent now arrived there. The entire expedition, wrote a correspondent, except the Bengal Lancers and the wing of the 26th Bombay Infantry, "are now on the island. The cavalry, artillery, and Bombay Infantry are encamped at San Antonio, the remainder near Fort Manoel. The Clydesdale' has been sent to quarantine for seven days. An inspection of all the available troops took place on the Floriana parade ground the other afternoon by the Governor. Eight thousand four hundred men were under arms; the Indian troops formed the right of the line, and justified the compliment by their appearance and steadiness. The march past was led by the M Battery of Field Artillery, looking very well, and the horses fairly recovered from the voyage. The Bombay Lancers walked and trotted past with admirable precision, the horses in workmanlike condition. The Punjabee regiments looked superb in their red tunics and high blue turbans, and as tall as our Grenadiers. The Madrassees were creditable, except the Sappers, black in face and uniform, who marched indifferently. The Bombay Infantry were smart. The Brigade Garrison Artillery and the Malta Fencibles in infantry formation were solid and splendid, and the seven British regiments looked magnificent, particularly the 61st, who were strong, and moved like clockwork. The Europeans and

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natives fraternise cordially, and the general behaviour of the troops is unexceptionable."

But diplomacy brought about a Congress in place of a war; Lords Beaconsfield and Salisbury started for Berlin, and Parliament adjourned for their Whitsuntide recess,

CHAPTER III.

Meeting of the Congress of Berlin-The Plenipotentiaries-End of the Lancashire Strike-The Anglo-Russian Secret Agreement-Earl Grey's Letter to the Times-Opinions of the Press-Opinions of Mr. Roebuck-The new BulgariaBosnia and Herzegovina-The Anglo-Turkish Secret Agreement-Occupation of Cyprus-The Greek Question-Foreign Opinion on the Question of Cyprus -Description of Cyprus-Sketch of its History-Taking Possession-Last Meeting of the Congress-Return of Lords Beaconsfield and SalisburyStatements of the Premier in the House-Opposition Speeches-Passage between Lords Derby and Salisbury-Mr. Gladstone at Southwark-Mr. Forster at Greenwich-Marriage Engagement of the Duke of ConnaughtLord Lorne appointed Viceroy of Canada.

THE first meeting of the Congress of Berlin was held on June 13, at the Radziwill Palace, the new official residence of Prince Bismarck, and the Foreign Office of Berlin. In the Hall of Congress, at the two lower ends of the table, sate the, Protocolists, in the alphabetical order of the French names of their countries, Germany (Allemagne) being the first, and facing the President in the bow of the horseshoe table. For England came Lords Beaconsfield, Salisbury, and Odo Russell; for France, M. Waddington, the half-English Foreign Minister of the French Republic, once a Rugby boy, and a Cambridge first-class man, and a member of the Cambridge eight; and with him the Comte de St. Vallier. Germany was represented by Prince Bismarck, the President, Von Bulow, and Prince Hohenlohe; Austria by Count Andrassy, Count Karolyi, and Baron Haymerle; Russia by Prince Gortschakoff, Count Schouvaloff, and Baron d'Oubril; Italy by the Counts Corti and Launay; and Turkey by Caratheodori Pasha, Sadoullah Bey, and Mehemet Ali Pasha. A shadow had been thrown over the historic meeting by an attempt, nearly successful, made a few days before on the life of the old Emperor, whose Imperial duties were held for the time by his son the Crown Prince. But the journals of the day were full of reports of the meetings and courtesies of the members of the Congress, among whom Lord Beaconsfield had a prominent place, and was a central figure, it was said, of public interest. At the first meeting nothing passed but formalities, and a short speech from Prince Bismarck, described as conventional, when he was elected President. The affairs of the Congress did not seem to go smoothly at first. Lord

The

Beaconsfield demanded the withdrawal of the Russian forces, but declined to assent to the retirement of the British fleet; and Count Schouvaloff objecting, the point was reserved. Thus much was agreed, that Greece should be allowed a representative at the Congress whenever her case should be discussed; but the Bulgarian question was the pressing matter, and was, upon Prince Bismarck's suggestion, taken first. Of dinners and interchange of visits the correspondents had more to tell than of the negotiations, and there were many graphic accounts to be had of the health and dresses of the different members of the Congress. Prince Gortschakoff was ill and quiet; Count Andrassy well and active. Lord and Lady Odo Russell had a grand reception at the British Embassy, and all the members of the English special mission had a Sunday dinner with the Crown Princess at Potsdam. The British and Austrian Plenipotentiaries conferred with Count Schouvaloff, and the telegrams said the conference was important. A present of strawberry-leaves was sent from high quarters to the Earl of Beaconsfield, supposed to be emblematic of his future; and Prince Bismarck's big dog knocked Prince Gortschakoff down. flying rumours of the day were busy with small things and with great. Curiously enough, the first event of real importance to the Congress transpired at home, where, after the departure of the two ministers, the Houses were dull and quiet, a motion of Mr. Ryland to require parliamentary sanction for all treaties being discouraged as untimely by Mr. Gladstone himself. The country was less interested in the debates than in the submission of the workers of Lancashire, who returned at the reduction of ten per cent. The immediate causes of the surrender were stated by the Weavers' Committee to have been the exhaustion of the benefit societies, and the feeling created by the riots. They ascribed the violence committed to the dregs of society, but in a manly and striking address to the workpeople declared that the masters, with their houses sacked and their property destroyed, could not be expected to become more reasonable. They alleged that the maintenance of the people on strike would require 3,500l. per week, and repeated that the cause of distress was over-production, which had been checked by the stoppage. They expected if the purchasing power of the working classes were not enhanced, and raw cotton made cheaper, to see a crisis as severe as that produced by the American war. They believed that the masters would never again, after this lesson, ignore the just claims of the workmen.

But now came the bursting of a political bombshell. Suddenly and without warning appeared in the Globe the text of a secret Anglo-Russian Agreement, signed on May 30 at the Foreign Office by Lord Salisbury and Count Schouvaloff. Under this agreement, the Powers agreed that Bulgaria should be divided into two Provinces, of which the Northern one should be independent, and the Southern one governed like an English colony, the Governor being appointed for five or ten years with the consent of