victories, the nations that he had subdued to his countrey, and the great booties that he had sent, making euery one to be a maruell. Then with a continuall crie,

"This is the only unconquered of all that euer came to hands with hym. Thou (quoth he) alone di 'est reuenge thy countrey being iniured, 300 years, and those fierce nations that only inuaded Rome, and only burned it, thou broughtest them on their knees."

And when he had made these and many other inuocations, he tourned hys voice from triumphe to mourning matter, and began to lament and mone him as a friend that had bin uniustly used, and did desire that he might giue hys soule for Caesars. Then falling into moste vehement affections, uncouered Caesars body, holding up his vesture with a speare, cut with the woundes, and redde with the bloude of the chiefe Ruler, by the which the people lyke a Quire, did sing lamentation unto him, and with this passion were againe repleate with ire. And after these speeches, other lamentations wyth voice after the Country custome, were sung of the Quires, and they rehearsed again his acts and his hap. Then made he Caesar hymselfe to speake as it were in a lamentable sort, to howe many of his enimies he hadde done good by name, and of the killers themselves to say as in an admiration, 'Did I saue them that haue killed me?" This the people could not abide, calling to remembraunce, that all the kyllers (only Decimus except) were of Pompey's faction, and subdued by hym, to whom, in stead of punishment, he had giuen promotion of offices, gouernments of prouinces and armies, and thought Decimus worthy to be made his heyre and son by adoption, and yet conspired his death.1

Now, this is not very like the oration in the play. It may be analysed and summarised as follows:

Antony begins by praising the deceased as a consul a consul, a friend a friend, a kinsman a kinsman. He recites the public honours awarded to Caesar as a better testimony than his private opinion, and accompanies the enumeration with provocative comment. He touches on Caesar's sacrosanct character and the unmerited honours bestowed on those who slew him, but acquits the citizens of unkindness on the ground of their presence at the funeral. He avows his own readiness for revenge, and thus censures the policy of the Senate, but admits that that policy may be for the public interest. He intones a hymn in honour of the deified Caesar; reviews his wars, battles, victories, the provinces annexed and the spoils transmitted to Rome, and glances at the subjugation of the Gauls as the payment of an ancient score. He uncovers the body of Caesar and displays the pierced and blood-stained garment to the

1 In Schweighäuser's Edition II. cxliii. to cxlvi.

wrath of the populace. He puts words in the mouth of the dead, and makes him cite the names of those whom he had benefited and preserved that they should destroy him. And the people brook no more.

Thus Appian's Antony differs from Shakespeare's Antony in his attitude to his audience, in the arrangement of his material, and to a considerable extent in the material itself. Nevertheless, in some of the details the speeches correspond. It is quite possible that Shakespeare, while retaining Plutarch's general scheme, may have filled it in with suggestions from Appian. The evidence is not very convincing, but the conjecture is greatly strengthened by the apparent loans from the same quarter in Antony and Cleopatra, which would show that he was acquainted with the English translation. See Appendix D.

APPENDIX D

SHAKESPEARE'S LOANS FROM APPIAN IN
ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA

I DO not think there can be any serious doubt about Shakespeare's having consulted the 1578 translation of the Bella Civilia for this play, at any rate for the parts dealing with Sextus Pompeius. The most important passage is the one (A. and C. III. v. 19) which records Antony's indignation at Pompey's death. Now of that death there is no mention at all in the Marcus Antonius of Plutarch; and even in the Octavius Caesar Augustus by Simon Goulard, which was included in the 1583 edition of Amyot and in the 1603 edition of North, it is expressly attributed to Antony. Here is Goulard's

statement:1

Whilst Antonius made war with the Parthians, or rather infortunately they made war with him to his great confusion, his lieutenant Titius found the means to lay hands upon Sextus Pompeius; that was fled into the ile of Samos, and then forty years old: whom he put to death by Antonius' commandment. Appian at least leaves it an open question whether Antony was responsible or not, and thus gives his apologist an opportunity :

Titius commaunded hys (ie. Pompey's) army to sweare to Antony, and put hym to death at Mileto, when he hadde lyved to the age of fortye yeares, eyther for that he remembered late displeasure and forgot olde good turnes, or for that he had such commaundemente of Antony.

There bee that saye that Plancus, and not Antony did commaunde hym to dye, whyche beeyng president of Syria had Antonyes signet, and in greate causes wrote letters in hys name. Some thynke it I quote from Shakespeare's Plutarch (Prof. Skeat), the 1603 edition of North being at present inaccessible to me.

was done wyth Antonyes knowledge, he fearyng the name of Pompey, or for Cleopatra, who fauoured Pompey the Great.

Some thynke that Plancus dyd it of hymselfe for these causes, and also that Pompey shoulde gyve no cause of dissention between Caesar and Antony, or for that Cleopatra would turn hyr favour to Pompey. (v. cxiv.)

I do not think indeed that there is any indication that Shakespeare had read, or at all events been in any way impressed by, Goulard's Augustus: no wonder, for compared with the genuine Lives, it is a dull performance. The only other passages with which a connection might be traced, do no more than give hints that are better given in Appian. Thus Sextus Pompeius' vein of chivalry, of which there is hardly a suggestion in Plutarch's brief notices, is illustrated in Goulard by his behaviour to the fugitives from the proscription.

Pompeius had sent certain ships to keep upon the coast of Italy, and pinnaces everywhere, to the end to receive all them that fled on that side; giving them double recompence that saved a proscript, and honourable offices to men that had been consuls and escaped, comforting and entertaining the others with a most singular courtesy.

But Appian says all this too in greater detail, and adds the significant touch:

So was he moste profitable to hys afflicted Countrey, and wanne greate glory to hymselfe, not inferioure to that he hadde of hys father. (IV. xxxvi.)

Note particularly this reference to his father's reputation, for which there is no parallel in Plutarch or Goulard; and compare

and

Our slippery people
begin to throw

Pompey the Great, and all his dignities
Upon his son.

Rich in his father's honour.

(A. and C. I. ii. 192.)

(Ib. I. iii. 50.)

Again, Goulard, talking of the last struggle, says:

After certain encounters, where Pompey ever had the better, insomuch as Lepidus was suspected to lean on that side, Caesar resolved to commit all to the hazard of a latter battle.

The insinuation in regard to Lepidus might be taken as

the foundation for Shakespeare's statement, which has no sanction in Plutarch, that Caesar

accuses him of letters he had formerly wrote to Pompey.
(A. and C. III. v. 10.)

But it seems a closer echo of a remark of Appian's about some transactions shortly after Philippi:

(v. iii.)

Lepidus was accused to favour Pompey's part. There are, moreover, several touches in Shakespeare's sketch, that he could no more get from Goulard than from Plutarch, but that are to be found in Appian. Thus there is Pompey's association with the party of the "good Brutus and the enthusiasm he expresses for "beauteous freedom" (A. and C. II. vi. 13 and 17). Compare passages like the following in Appian :

Sextus Pompey, the seconde son of Pompey the Great being lefte of that faction, was sette up of Brutus friends.

(v. i.)

Pompey's friends hearing of this, did marvellously rejoyce, crying now to be time to restore their Countrey's libertie. (III. lxxxii.) Thus, too, Shakespeare refers to Pompey's command of "the empire of the sea" (A. and C. 1. ii. 191), which, if Plutarch were his authority, would be an unjustifiable exaggeration. Yet it exactly corresponds to the facts of the case as Appian repeatedly states them, and perhaps one of Binniman's expressions suggested the very phrase.

Pompey being Lorde of the Sea... caused famine in the cittie all victuall beyng kepte away. (v. xv.)

The Citie in the meane time was in great penurie, their provision of corne beyng stopped by Pompey. (v. xviii.)

In the meane time the cytie was oppressed with famine, for neyther durst the Merchauntes bring any corn from the East bicause of Pompeis beeing in Sicelie, nor from the Weast of Corsica and Sardinia, where Pompeis ships also lay: nor from Africa, where the navies of the other conspiratours kepte their stations. Being in this distresse, they (ie. the people) alleaged that the discorde of the rulers was the cause, and therefore required that peace might be made with Pompey, unto the whiche when Caesar woulde not agree, Antonie thought warre was needefull for necessitie. (v. lxvii.)

Then there are the frequent references of Antony (A. and C. 1. ii. 192, I. iii. 148), of the messenger (I. iv. 38, I. iv. 52), of Pompey himself (II. i. 9), to Pompey's popularity and the