world. The explanations of policy and intentions given are incomplete, precisely because the negotiations now proceeding are unfinished. Prince Gortschakoff has managed to keep the Russian terms unknown down to and beyond the opening of Parliament. The consequence is that Her Majesty's Government are compelled to keep unknown that portion of their counsels and purposes which depends upon the demands of Russia; but much is already gained by having the Legislature at hand and in session.

The Daily News said Lord Beaconsfield was in what his admirers would probably call his finest vein. He was grandiloquent; he was historical after his own way of dealing with history; he was heroic, he was prophetic; but he did not condescend to any particular explanations of any policy the Government may have in view. Indeed, one can hardly imagine anything less satisfactory than the debate would have been, so far as Ministerial explanations were concerned, if the public had not some clearer and more practical utterances to instruct it. The House of Lords were left in ignorance of everything they must have specially desired to know.

The air, however, was for a time cleared by the Ministerial statements in both Houses at the opening of Parliament, but more especially by the declaration of Sir Stafford Northcote in the Lower Chamber, which counteracted the disquieting effect of the paragraph in the Queen's Message speaking of an "unexpected occurrence." But the prospect in the East became gloomy again when the Chancellor of the Exchequer, within a few days, announced that he proposed to move a supplementary estimate for military and naval supplies. The reason was to be looked for in the rapid progress of Russia towards the Turkish capital, driving crowds of refugees into Constantinople. The country became alarmed, and Consols fell heavily. Lord Beaconsfield repudiated in the Upper House the making of any promise not to ask for a vote until the Russian terms were known, though that agreement had been generally understood; and in the Lower, Sir Stafford Northcote, not denying the understanding, declared that a change of circumstances made a change of policy necessary. "More than a week has elapsed," he said, "and not only have no terms of peace been received from the Russian Government, but it appears that a considerable force of Russian troops are rapidly advancing. Under these circumstances we have felt it necessary not to delay any longer realising that state of things which was intimated in the Queen's Speech-namely, asking Parliament for such assistance as will enable Her Majesty's Government to make provision for any circumstances that might arise requiring precaution."

Meantime the Queen, in answer to a personal appeal from the Sultan, had applied herself to the Czar in mediation; and a motion of Lord George Hamilton had drawn from Mr. Fawcett a proposal to enquire into the means of mitigation of Indian famines, and from Mr. Bright an earnest speech upon the subject.

"We hear," he said, "of thousands being killed in the war in the East of Europe; but all that this war has done, and all that the wars of the last ten years have done, has not been equal to the destruction of human life in the English dependencies in India." The right hon. gentleman concluded with these words :-"You have the rain from heaven and the great rivers, and you have a Government which, having conquered the country, is bound to devote all the powers of its intellect to save the people from this suffering, and to save this country and this Parliament from the degradation and humiliation of allowing it to be known throughout the world that millions of subjects of the Crown of England have, in the course of ten years, perished by famine, which great engineers and men of great experience say positively might altogether have been prevented."

But for the moment the minds of men were set upon the Eastern Question, and the country was startled by the intelligence that the English Fleet had been ordered to the Dardanelles. Then the rumoured dissensions in the Cabinet took shape and form, and it became known that, in consequence of the gravest disagreement with a resolution arrived at by their colleagues, the Earl of Derby and the Earl of Carnarvon had resigned. On that evening there was consequently a large gathering of peers and members in the Upper Chamber, where business began with a reassuring statement by the Prime Minister. Responding to the Earl of Sandwich, Lord Beaconsfield said it was true the Government had directed the British Fleet to proceed to the Dardanelles with a view to go on to Constantinople, if necessary "to defend the lives and properties of British subjects" in the capital, "and take care of British interests in the Straits;" and a telegraphic despatch to the Powers to that effect had been prepared; but, on receipt of the proposed conditions of peace, the Admiral had been ordered to remain at Besika Bay. Lord Carnarvon then explained with careful minuteness the reasons which induced him to resign office. Taking the House into his confidence, his lordship said the Prime Minister condemned "very severely " the language he had used to a deputation on January 2; disclosed that he stoutly opposed a proposal, discussed at a Cabinet Council on the 12th, to send the fleet to the Dardanelles; that he sent in his resignation on a decision being come to by the Cabinet on the 15th to dispatch the fleet to Gallipoli, but consented to retain office on the decision being rescinded; and that he felt compelled once again to resign, this time definitely, upon the Cabinet resolving on the 23rd that the fleet should be sent to Constantinople. Lord Beaconsfield said he could not see that Lord Carnarvon had shown sufficient reason for quitting the Ministry, and reaffirmed that the Government adhered to the policy defined in "the charter," as he named the despatch, of May last. Earl Granville then asked for some explanation as to the reported resignation of Lord Derby; but the Earl of Beaconsfield said he "always thought it a high, valuable,

and ancient privilege of anyone retiring from a Government that he should announce the fact to Parliament himself in the first instance."

The Earl of Derby, to the relief of the House, reappeared in his seat two or three days afterwards. His lordship politely declined to enter into a general debate on the Eastern Question at the instigation of Lord Stratheden and Campbell; but, replying to a complimentary query from Earl Granville, stated that he had resigned because the Cabinet had come to a determination which he could not agree with, but, the cause of the difference having disappeared, he had no hesitation in withdrawing his resignation.

In reply to Lord Stratheden, Lord Derby said it was very conceivable that circumstances might arise under which the sending up the fleet to Constantinople would be an act entirely proper to be done, and would not in any manner endanger the general peace. It might be sent up in the interests of humanity, and its dispatch might be conducive to the preservation of life; but, if his noble friend asked him to define beforehand what would be the circumstances under which it would be justifiable to send the fleet up to Constantinople, he felt himself unable to make any such statement. The Earl, in reply to a question from Earl Stanhope, was sorry to say that the Government had received no intimation of the conclusion of an armistice, and had no information to give on the subject. The Russian Ambassador, whom he had seen about an hour ago, was equally uninformed. On the other hand, from the despatch which he (Lord Derby) had lately received, the Turkish Government declared that their orders were positive to their delegates to sign the terms of peace; the delay that has occurred was not, therefore, caused by them. No proposal had come from Russia for a diplomatic sanction to either her own or a joint occupation of Constantinople.

In the Commons, Sir Stafford's announcement of the supplementary estimate created great excitement; and, with abundance of detail, he endeavoured to persuade the House that a grant of six millions would enable the representatives of this country to enter the forthcoming Conference on the Eastern Question with the consciousness of being the Plenipotentiaries of a united nation. Sir Stafford showed his secretarial ability by giving a clear précis of the latest correspondence between Lord Derby and Prince Gortschakoff and Sir H. Layard, and suggesting that it was the most natural thing in the world that, in view of the sweeping changes contemplated in the East, Great Britain should come to the consideration of them armed with the confidence and support of the House, as well as enriched with six millions of money. Sir Stafford Northcote grew earnest in a peroration as to the undiminished power of England; but by far the most important part of his speech was that in which he stated that, a week before, the Russian Ambassador had called on Lord Derby, and informally given him the following as an outline of the bases of peace proposed to the Porte by Russia:

"I. Bulgaria, within the limits of the Bulgarian nationality, not less than that of the Conference, to be an autonomous tributary Principality, with a national Christian Governor and a native militia, and no Turkish troops, except in some points to be indicated.

"II. Independence of Montenegro, with an increase of territory equivalent to the military status quo. The frontier to be decided hereafter.

"III. Independence of Roumania, with sufficient territorial indemnity.

"IV. Independence of Servia, with rectification of frontier. "V. Autonomous administration to be sufficiently guaranteed to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

"Next, similar reforms for the other Christian provinces, an indemnity to Russia for the expenses of the war in pecuniary, territorial, or other form, to be decided hereafter, and an ulterior understanding for safeguarding the rights and interests of Russia in the Straits."

The Marquis of Hartington having suggested that it was virtually a vote of confidence that the Government demanded, and that, therefore, it would be advisable to postpone the resumption of the debate for three days, till the ensuing Thursday, Sir Stafford Northcote acceded to the request with good grace, but denied that the vote of credit could be actually termed a vote of confidence. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, replying to a pointed question from Mr. Bright (who doubted the advisability of our entering the Conference with "shotted cannon and revolvers"), further stated that a telegraphic message was to have been sent to the Powers as to the dispatch of the fleet to the Dardanelles, but that the stoppage of the fleet rendered it unnecessary to forward the message.

On the Thursday, in reply to Mr. Chaplin, Mr. Bourke said telegraphic communication was maintained between Adrianople and Constantinople up to Tuesday night. With regard to telegraphic communication between Constantinople and Gallipoli, we heard this morning that the wires had been cut. We have not heard that all newspaper correspondents have been sent away from the Russian armies south of the Balkans. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply to the same member, said: Up to the latest date of which Her Majesty's Government have received any information an armistice had not been concluded. It is true, I believe, that the Russian forces are advancing southwards, but upon what particular points they are directing their advance I am unable to say. Her Majesty's Government do entirely adhere to the conditions laid down in Lord Derby's despatch of May 6. On the order for the House going into Committee, to consider the proposal of the Chancellor of the Exchequer for a vote of credit towards defraying the expenses which might be incurred in increasing the efficiency of the naval and military services at the present crisis of the war

[1878. between Russia and Turkey, Mr. W. E. Forster rose to move: "That this House, having been informed in Her Majesty's gracious speech that the conditions on which Her Majesty's neutrality is founded had not been infringed by either belligerent engaged in the war in the East of Europe, and having since received no information sufficient to justify a departure from the policy of neutrality and peace, sees no reason for adding to the burdens of the people by voting unnecessary supplies." The right hon. gentleman proceeded to show that there was no similarity between the vote of 2,000,000l. asked for by the Gladstone Government during the Franco-German war and the present vote. He thought that the first six terms of peace which had been mentioned did not concern English interests. Going through those terms in detail, Mr. Forster's reference to that regarding Servia was received with derisive cheers and groans. Russia admitted that the navigation of the Straits was a European question. Therefore, we had really nothing to justify our interference in the matter. Was there no danger of the very occasion which we apprehend arising by the hasty proceedings of the Government to take hostile action before they were justified in so doing? The Chancellor of the Exchequer has endeavoured to conciliate his war friends by his war-vote, and to conciliate his peace friends by telling them that this money would not be necessary; but, in regard to the former, it would appear that they had not completely succeeded in that direction, if they were to take the notice given by the hon. and gallant member for Gravesend as a sample of their opinion. Mr. Cross entered into a justification of the action of the Government, and defended the order given to the fleet to see that the water-way of the Dardanelles was kept open, and that the lives and property of British subjects were protected. He repudiated the insinuation that in the recall of the fleet the Government had been actuated by a desire to conciliate the Foreign Secretary. Commenting on the delay that took place in submitting the terms of peace, and the fact that this state of things was coincident with the rapid advance of the Russian forces, he insisted that that delay had not been caused either by the Turks or Her Majesty's Government, but was attributable solely to the Russians. Where was the strategic reason for Russia's continued advance on Constantinople when she was aware that the bases of peace had been already accepted by Turkey? He taunted the Opposition, amid a storm of derisive shouts and cries of "Withdraw!" with being the friends of the Russians, and maintained that, under all the circumstances, and seeing that the Russian forces were still advancing, the Government were bound to persevere in the proposal they had put before the House. He added that Her Majesty's Government must exercise their right to be heard in the final settlement of peace, and he argued that, if England were to be heard at all, her voice must be backed by the vote now submitted by the Government. He would not believe it until he saw it, that Mr. Forster would persevere with his motion.