페이지 이미지
PDF
ePub

sailing out on a lake like this in a small bed 'em of their hard-earned wages, to roll boat in the moonlight. And one of them in wealth, and dress in purple and fine proposed to give up his native country in linen, like Solomon in all his glory, and order that he might marry an English girl. the lilies-of-the-valley, you should have And I think it is the same girl that now has heerd 'em shout. I thought they would to give up her native country—for a time- tear their shirts. The bond is the sharpfor the sake of her children. Were you p'inted stick to poke up the people.' ever at Ellesmere, Lady Sylvia ?'

"And how about Philadelphy?' says the Lady Sylvia had never been to Ellesmere, other. but she guessed why these things were "Well, I was not quite so hefty there. spoken of. As for Bell, she was putting the There's a heap of bonds in Philadelphy; gathered flowers in a book ; they were for and there's no use in arousing prejudices her children.

-painful feelings—misunderstandings. It We drove back to dine in the large ain't politics. What's good for one sile saloon, with its flashing lights and its troop ain't good for another sile You sow your of black waiters. We were more than ever seed as the land laysthat's politics. impressed by the beautiful attire and the Where people hain't got nɔ bonds, there's jewelry of the ladies and gentlemen who where to go in heavy on the bond-holders. were living in Saratoga; and in the evening, But in Philadelphy I give it to 'em on rewhen all the doors of the saloons were form, and corruption, and the days of the thrown open, and when the band began to Revolution that tried men's souls, and that play in the square inside the hotel, and sort o' thing—and wishin' we had Washingwhen these fashionable people began to pro- ton back again. That's always a tremenmenade along the balcony which runs all dous p'int, about Washington ; and when round the intramural space of grass and | people are skittish on great questions, you trees, we were more than ever reminded of fall back on the Father of his Country. some public evening entertainment in a | You seeParisian public garden. Our plainly dressed 'But Washington's dead,' objected the women-folk were out of place in this gay disciple. throng that paced up and down under the “Of course he's dead,' said the other, brilliant lamps. As for our ranch-woman, triumphantly;' and that's why he's a living she affected to care nothing at all for the issue in a canvass. In politics the deader music and this bright spectacle of people a man is, the more you can do with him. walking about the balcony in the grateful He can't talk back.' coolness of the summer night, but went "And about Massachusetts now?' the down the steps into the garden, and | humble inquirer asked. busied herself with trying to find out the Well those Yankees don't take too whereabouts of a katydid that was sounding much stock in talk. You can't do much his incessant note in the darkness. What with the bonds and corruption in Massawas it they played ? Probably Offenbach; chusetts. There you touch 'em up on the but we did not heed much. The intervals whiskey and the nigger. The evils of inof silence were pleasanter.

temperance and the oppressions of the colBut was it not kind of those two gentle oured brother, those are the two bowers in men, both of whom wore ample frock-coats Massachusetts.' and straw hats, to place their chairs just * Rhode Island ?' before us on the lawn, so that we could not Oh, well, Rhode Island is a one-horse but overhear their conversation ? And State, where everybody pays taxes and what was it all about ?

goes to church; and all you've got to do is 'Pennsylvania's alive-jest alive,' said to worry 'em about the Pope. Say the the eldest of the two. “The miners are Pope's comin' to run the machine.' red-hot-yes, Sir! You should have heerd! Then these two also relapse into silence,

at Maunch Chunk-twenty thousand and we are left free to pursue our own people, and a barbecue in the woods, and speculations. a whole ox roasted—biggest thing since And indeed our chief manageress and “ Tippecanoe and Tyler too.” When I monitress made no secret of her wish to told 'em that the bloated bond-holders rob- l leave Saratoga as soon as possible. We

m

had taken it en route out of mere curiosity; a time, the train was continually being it was obvious to her that she could gain no stopped at short intervals, and we naturally moral here to preach at the head of her grew impatient. The daylight left us, and poor pupil. These lights and gay costumes | the lights in the carriage were not bright and languid quadrilles were the mere glori- enough to allow us to read. We were exfication of idleness; and she had brought | cessively hungry, and were yet many miles this suffering one to America to show her | away from Boston. We had a right to -in our rapid transit from place to place speak bitterly of this business. —something of the real hardships that hu- Then, as the stoppages became more man nature had to fight against and endure, lengthened, and we had speech of people the real agony that parting and distance on the line, rumours began to circulate and the struggle for life could inflict on through the carriages. An accident had the sons and daughters of men. Saratoga | happened to the train just ahead of ours. was not at all to her liking. There was no There was a vague impression that some head for any discourse to be got out of it. one had been killed, but nothing more. Onward, onward, was her cry.

It was getting on toward midnight when So it was that on the next day, or the we passed a certain portion of the line ; and next again, we bade farewell to this gay here the place was all lit up by men going haunt of pleasure, and set out for grimmer about with lanterns. There was a sound latitudes. We were bound for Boston. of hammering in the vague obscurity outHere, indeed, was a fruitful theme for dis- side this sphere of light. Then we crept course; and during the long hours, as we into the station, and there was an excited rolled through a somewhat Bavarian-look| air about the people as they conversed ing country—with white wooden houses with each other. set amid that perpetual wooden forest that | And what was it all about ? Queen T-faded away into the hills around the hori | soon got to know. Out of all the people zon-we heard a great deal about the trials in the train, only one had been killed-a of the early settlers and their noble fortitude young girl of fifteen : she was travelling and self-reliance. You would have fancied with her father and mother ; they had not that this lecturess was a passionate Puritan been hurt at all. The corpse was in a in her sympathies; though we who knew | room in the station ; the parents were her better were well aware that she had a | there too. They said she was their only sneaking liking for gorgeous ritual, and that child. she would have given her ears to be al We went on again ; and somehow there lowed to introduce a crucifix into our re was now no more complaining over the despectable village church. That did not lay. It was past midnight when we reached matter. The stern manners and severe Boston. The streets looked lonely enough discipline of the refugees were at the mo- | in the darkness. But we were thinking ment all she could admire, and somehow | less of the great city we had just entered we began to feel that, if it had not been for than of the small country station set far our gross tyranny and oppression, the May away in the silent forest, where that father flower would never have sailed.

and mother were sitting with the dead body But a graver lesson was still to be read of their child. to us. We could not understand why, after

(To be continuet.)

[ocr errors]

GREATER OR LESSER BRITAIN.*

BY SIR JULIUS VOGEL.

A BOUT the end of the year 1869 of Liberalism to effect the disintegration of the

A much anxiety was felt, not only in Empire.' political circles but throughout the country,

He then commented upon the ability with on account of the supposed desire of sev

which the effort was sustained. Self-goveral members of the Liberal Government to

ernment, he considered, was granted to the detach the colonies from the empire.f The

colonies as a means to the end. He condenials which were made, and the discus

tinued : sions in Parliament which ensued, are matters of history. They did not very much Not that I for one object to self-government. I change the impression which previously ex cannot conceive how our distant colonies can have isted, except to remove apprehension of

their affairs administered except by self-government. immediate hostile action against the colo

But self-government, when it was conceded, ought,

in my opinion, to have been conceded as part of a nies.

great policy of Imperial consolidation. It ought Mr. Disraeli, in the address which he de- / to have been accompanied by an Imperial tariff, by livered to the Conservative Association at securities to the people of England for the enjoy. the Crystal Palace on the 24th of June,

ment of the unappropriated lands which belonged

to the Sovereign as their trustee, and by a Military 1872, commented on the action which the

Code, which should have precisely defined the Liberals had taken towards disintegrating means and the responsibilities hy which the colothe Empire. He said :

nies should have been defended, and by which, if

necessary, this country should call for aid from the If you look to the history of this country since colonies themselves. It ought further to have been the advent of Liberalism forty years ago, you will accompanied by the institution of some representafind that there has been no effort so continuous, so tive council in the metropolis, which would have subtle, supported with so much energy and carried brought the colonies into constant and continuous on with so much ability and acumen, as the attempts relations with the Home Government. . .

Well, what has been the result of this attempt du*[This paper on the subject of Imperial Federa.

ring the reign of Liberalism for the disintegration ion, by the Premier of New Zealand and one of the

of the Empire? It has entirely failed. But how eading statesmen of the Empire, may be read as a

has it failed ? By the sympathy of the colonies pendant to the articles of Mr. Goldwin Smith, Sir

with the mother-country. They have decided that Francis Hincks, and Mr. Elihu Burritt, recently

the Empire shall not be destroyed, and, in my opin. published in this Magazine. -Ed. C. M.]

ion, no Minister in this country will do his duty,

who neglects an opportunity of reconstructing as + 'If there is any lesson which we should draw

much as possible our colonial empire, and of refrom the loss of the United States, it is the misfor

sponding to those distant sympathies which may tune of parting from those colonies in ill-will and

become the source of incalculable strength and irritation. We parted with those great colonies

happiness to this land.' because we attempted to coerce them; and if we now part with our present colonies it will be because we expel them from our dominion. The circum

Probably there was no part of the Constances are different, but the result will be the same, servative programme that more powerfully and that result must be the bitter alienation and un appealed to the masses of the people than dying enmity of these great countries. For my

this indirect pledge to respect the integrity own part, I see with dismay the course which is now

of the Empire, for the feeling was very being taken, a part at once cheeseparing in point of economy, and spendthrift in point of national char- general that the Liberals did not care how acter. I will be no party to it, and I beg to enter soon it was broken up. Since the accession my humble and earnest protest against a course

of the Conservative Government to office, which I conceive to be ruinous to the honour and fatal to the best interests of the Empire.'-Lord

they have scarcely ever failed on any availCarnarvon in the House of Lords, February, 1870. I able public opportunity to express the high

consideration in which they hold the colo the kind, and with the intention to adminnies.

ister the law as it stood, a strong conviction It will be interesting to consider whether might have been entertained that the colothose utterances have had more meaning nies would in course of time be detached than mere grace and compliment. Seven from the Empire, and that the sooner the years since, the feeling was wide-spread that result ensued the better. the Government desired to detach from the | Now, Lord Beaconsfield's utterances Empire the colonies* not held for military mean otherwise. He looks forward to the purposes. New Zealand was virtually given colonies becoming more valuable to the to understand that she was at liberty to se- | the Empire. He had nothing, he said at a cede from the Empire; and in Canada and banquet given to Her Majesty's Ministers at the Cape of Good Hope † the respective by the Lord Mayor in 1875, to add to his Governors discussed the separation of the previously expressed views, 'that we should colonies as a contingency neither remote develop and consolidate our colonial emnor improbable. Lord Kimberley, the Sec- pire; that we should assimilate not only retary of State for the Colonies who prece- their interest, but their sympathies, to the ded Lord Carnarvon, has, however, fre- mother-country; and that we believe they quently stated that it was not the policy of would prove ultimately, not a source of his Government to throw off the colonies. weakness and embarrassment, but of strength No one would presume to doubt his Lord and splendour to the Empire.' In Lord ship's assertion, and it was made in a man Kimberley and Lord Carnarvon we have ner meant to convey that it expressed the the representatives of opposite points of truth both in letter and spirit. It is gener view. Lord Carnarvon administers the ally understood that individually some of Colonial Department as if he thought the the members of the late Government looked colonies would remain with the Empire. upon the colonies as sources of weakness, He has asserted on several occasions an and it is scarcely unfair, in the face of these authority for the Colonial Department supposed individual opinions, and of Lord which his predecessor would not have Kimberley's specific declarations, to come to claimed. It would be wrong to attribute to a conclusion that the subject was discussed Lord Kimberley either indolence or indifin Cabinet, and at some time or other a de- ference. He administered the Colonial cision arrived at, that whatever the individ | Office not without exerting authority, but ual opinion of some of Her Majesty's Min- exerting it in a manner that indicated his isters might be, the Government should not adopt as their policy the disintegration of the Empire. But without any policy of

stone's Government, felt constrained to accept this view of the situation. Take the following passage

for example :* Throughout the rest of this paper, unless the

Ministers have changed their policy, have context otherwise implies, the word 'colonies' changed it very abrupily, and have changed it for will be used to designate the constitutional colonies the best of all reasons-because they had begun to and the dependencies which are likely to become

discover that their line was not the line of the peoconstitutional colonies.

ple of England, and would, if pushed to its logical + • In North America, we have unmistakable indi results, end in events which would bring down the cations of the rapid establishment of a powerful bitter displeasure of the people of England. Unless independent State. In Australia, it is probable

the colonies clearly understand this, we shall not that its several settlements, with their great wealth | reap half the benefit of the change, and therefore and homogeneous population, will see their way to

| it is that we wish the only reasonable and intelligent a similar condition. In New Zealand, the sever rationale of this sudden change of front to be ance is being accomplished under very painful cir- clearly understood there. This is, in fact, a deathcumstances. In Jamaica, where responsible gov.

bed repentance made in the moment of its dissoluernment was wholly inappropriate, it has ceased to

| tion-far be it from us to anticipate that distant be. In this colony I cannot think that any desire event-but a repentance that came only just in time exists for its transfer to the rule of another power,

to secure its salvation, to assert the most emphatic neither can I think that, with its scanty resources popular condemnation of its policy towards New and its divided population, it would desire to stand

Zealand. Had the colonial agitation and request alone.-Extract from speech of His Excellency the for peaceable separation come, we at least entertain Governor of the Cape of Good Hope (Sir P. Wode no doubt that even Mr. Gladstone's popularity house), delivered January 25, 1870.

would not have sufficed to save the Ministry.'--Even the Spectator, one of the most able, earn Spectator, May 21, 1870. est, and thorough-going supporters of Mr, Glad.

aim to fit the colonies for a career of inde colonies because it suits them and the pendence. Lord Carnarvon administers | mother country that they should so conthe department not only without a thought tinue. It is equally generally supposed that to such a change, but he constantly gives if the colonies wished to secede they would recurring evidence that he considers the not be forced to remain that they are free colonies permanently bound to the Empire. to go. From this has followed the wideSouth Africa has presented to him a most spread feeling that the independence of the delicate and difficult problem. He might colonies is merely a question of time; and have temporarily dealt with it by refusing to the colonists are insensibly imbibing that recognise its gravity. But he has conscien belief. If it is meant to retain the colotiously grappled with it, and its various nies, can any words do justice to the folly phases have found him not unprepared. It and the wickedness of training the people is probably reserved to him to complete the to a false belief as to their future instituwork of consolidation in Africa which he tions, of teaching them to expect that for has so well begun. Then will belong to | which they ought not to look; of leading him the proud reflection that he stands them along a path at some point of which alone in the character of his work—that no the destiny they are taught to believe in one before him, by peaceful means, has ever | must be overthrown? succeeded in consolidating such vast terri The practical follows the theoretical, and tories as those of Canada and South Africa. | the colonies involuntary exercise their The reflection may nerve him to the larger power in the direction in which they believe task of consolidating the Empire. The their destiny tends. It is difficult to estabannexation of Fiji and of the Transvaal lish that the question is urgent. It cannot Republic strikingly illustrates the difference, be made to appear urgent in the ordinary wide as the poles asunder, between the poli- sense. It cannot be said, “If you neglect cies of the Liberals and Conservatives. to deal with this question during this or The two administrations to which we have that session, calamity will arise before you so lengthily referred thus typify opposite meet again.' But is that not urgent, the points of the colonial question.

delaying to do which means in years to It is not, of course, to be supposed that come a compound interest of calamity ? the desire to see the colonies separated, or The question is urgent in the sense that the indifference to such a result, is shared in by forest-planting question is urgent. You all Liberals. On the contrary, amongst the may destroy forests and neglect to replace Liberals the colonies have strong support them, and the middle-aged may not live to ers. There has been no more powerful suffer in consequence. But the time will utterance in favour of confederation than come when the country will suffer, when the address delivered by Mr. Forster, at regularly-flowing rivers will become fitful Edinburgh, in November, 1875, though torrents, when the earth, deprived of its much of the force was lost by the unfortu- / moisture and its soil washed into the ocean, nate declaration that if a colony wished to will cease to produce as it did before the separate he would be no party to preventing hand of man commenced to destroy withit. Mr. Childers, again, must be credited out concurrently reproducing. Who could with a high opinion of the value of the point to the exact time when destruction colonies. He has never abated the early | exceeded desirable limits and reproduction interest he took in them, and probably com became an imperative necessity ? Even mands from them more personal support so, who can say when it may be too late to than any other English statesman. Mr. deal with the colonial question? In calmMagniac, Sir R. Torrens, Mr. Mundella, ness and repose it may be easily dealt with. Mr. McArthur, and Mr. Kinnaird, have But when immediate urgency appears, when stood forward at various times as earnest | angry passions are aroused, when it will bu advocates of colonial interests, and Sir John | perceived that the course of legislation Lubbock has lately given evidence of the during the long past, and the direction in same goodwill by laborious investigations, which men's minds have been trained, have the results of which have been published all converged to a future disintegration, in these pages. It is generally understood what hope then without disaster to preserve by the colonists that the colonies remain the unity of the Empire ?

« 이전계속 »