respect. Intimacy between soldier and officer is not desired; but confidence and regard are wanted: and ready accessibility and attention to his men's wants and grievances are indispensably required to promote these.

The want of these qualifications may, I think, be mainly attributed to our modern system of withdrawing a large number of officers from each regiment for staff employ. Young men are no longer taught on entering the army to take pride in their regimental duty, and to concern themselves chiefly with the efficiency of their companies. On the contrary, they have been advised by friends, by the Chairman of the Directors at Addiscombe, by their official connections in India, to exert themselves to leave their regiment as early as possible. Staff employ has been held out as the proper object of laudable ambition, and to obtain this the energies of all but the drones were devoted. Is it to be wondered at that regimental duty flagged and has been neglected? That the withdrawal of officers from regimental duty for employment on the staff has been for many years a most serious evil affecting the efficiency of the Bengal army, no one can deny. But the ground of objection generally taken, viz. the paucity of officers left for regimental duty, is not that on which I would insist. The chief injury done to the army no doubt resulted from the want of interest felt in their work by the officers present with the corps, who have seen no prospect of rising into notice, by the most painstaking and successful discharge of regimental duty.

Sir Henry Lawrence was strongly impressed with the opinion that the native officers of our sepoy army were underpaid; and I incline to agree with him. He would compare the status and emoluments which a native gentleman could attain to under native Govern

ments, with those attainable in the British Indian army; and he thought that the disparity was too great. The subject is well deserving of attention : for although the present is certainly not the time when we are likely to be tempted to make large additions either to the number or pay of our native troops; still, we cannot contemplate the permanent maintenance of a system, by which the better classes of the natives of Hindostan would remain alienated from us. When the swell following the recent storm has subsided, it will again be our duty to throw the oil of conciliation upon the troubled waves of the people whom we govern. And even should it be denied that the natives of Hindostan proper are ever again to be treated with consideration, by advancing them to posts of wealth and honour; still it must be remembered that the gentry of the Punjaub and of the other Presidencies have maintained their fidelity and lie under no such ban. In their case, let it be fairly considered, whether the means of honourable employ held out by our Government to the better classes, are sufficient to excite loyalty and to maintain contentment; and if the inquiry result in a negative, let a remedy be applied.

Under native Governments, such as that of Runjeet Singh in the Punjaub, or those of Nagpoor and Oudh, natives, be it remembered, held the highest civil and military offices, and enjoyed emoluments not inferior to those received under our system by Europeans. The father may have received 1000 rupees per mensem, as commandant of cavalry under Runjeet Singh; the son draws a pay of eighty rupees as sub-commander in the service of the British Government. The difference is probably thought by themselves to be too great. "My father used to receive 500 rupees a month in command of a party of Runjeet Singh's horse," said

I

the Seikh Naib Risaldar Sheyre Singh to me, whose good conduct on the occasion of Captain Hayes' murder has been already mentioned; "I receive but fifty!"

No doubt the upper classes of natives, both Hindoo and Mahomedan, on this account viewed with regret the extinction of the dynasties of Lahore, Nagpoor, and Oudh. They were used to repair from our provinces to seek the prizes obtainable at these native Courts. Though these were few, and not easily obtained; nor perhaps often long enjoyed; yet they grieved to see them abolished, and everything reduced to the almost dead level of Anglo-Indian service.

All the causes, however, which have been enumerated, might have been in operation, and yet would have failed to produce the mutiny, but for the capital error which was committed, of denuding our provinces of European troops. Religious alarm might have been excited; the native soldier might have been at the same time discontented and insubordinate; the talooqdars of Oudh, and the royal families of Dehli and Lucknow might have plotted; yet had we possessed a few English regiments in the country, discontent would never have matured into rebellion. As it was, it may almost be said that there were no European troops. From Meerut in the north-west to Dinapoor in the south-east, two weak English regiments only were to be found. These were the 3rd Bengal Fusiliers at Agra, and the 32nd Foot at Lucknow. All our principal cities were without European troops. There were none at Dehli, or at Bareilly; none at Fyzabad, at Mirzapoor, or at Benares. And worst of all, the important fortress of Allahabad, the key of the North-Western Provinces, was equally unprotected! At the important station of Cawnpoor, was only the depôt of the 32nd Foot, and a weak reserve

company of artillery. Throughout the entire province of Oudh, we possessed but one English battery of artillery all the rest were native! This absence of European troops was the one, great, capital error.

:

No sooner were the religious feelings of our discontented soldiery aroused, than the regiments began to correspond, and to this soon succeeded conspiracy. The sepoys saw their own strength, and our alarm at their proceedings, which it was impossible to conceal. What position, indeed, could be more terrible to the European officer? Himself and his family living in a thatched cottage, surrounded by a multitude of armed men, who might at any moment rise, fire his house, and destroy himself and those dear to him! He had no place of refuge near; he dared take no precaution for his safety, lest by manifesting his mistrust he should provoke an outbreak; but was forced to dissemble, and assume a confidence which he did not feel. Those were indeed fearful days! There was too much real cause for alarm; and the sepoy readily penetrated the disguise of assumed confidence. Seeing but a handful of Europeans opposed to him, he soon considered himself sure of success, and set on foot one vast conspiracy, which was to extinguish the British rule and race in India in one general massacre.

It was probably most mercifully ordered in our favour by a gracious Providence, that the ill-devised severities at Meerut caused the outbreak to take place there before the plot was ripe. At other stations, and particularly at Lucknow, Europeans took the alarm, and were thus enabled to prepare for their defence; for had the conspiracy been matured, and burst forth, as is believed was the intention, suddenly, upon one appointed day; there is too much reason to fear that it would have been successful.

CHAPTER VII.

MUTINY AT LUCKNOW.

The 30th of May.-Mutiny broke out in cantonments after evening gunfire.-Watched by ourselves from the roof of my house at the Residency.-Mutinous conduct of a Company of the 71st N. I. at the Residency. Particulars of mutiny in cantonments.-Commenced by the 71st Regt.-Attempt of the men of that regiment to destroy their officers.-Brigadier Handscomb and Lieutenant Grant killed.-Behaviour of the 71st Regt. N. I.; of the 13th Regt. N. I.; of the 48th Regt. N. I.; of the 7th Regt. Light Cavalry.-Sir Henry Lawrence's measures. Plunder and burning of cantonments.-Escape of Mrs. Bruere. Operations on the morning of the 31st of May.-Murder of Cornet Raleigh.-Mutineers driven off and pursued by Sir Henry Lawrence.-Mr. Gubbins joins in the pursuit, and makes eight prisoners.-Six brought in.-Conduct of the four troopers who accompanied him. Three of them join in the mutiny of the corps soon after.Rising of budmâshes in the city.-They cross the river to join the mutineers.-Mr. Mendes killed.-Ladies abandon Mr. Gubbins' and other houses, and take refuge in the Residency.-Consultation in cantonments, which ended in the formation of a camp of the remnants of mutineer regiments in cantonments.-Sir Henry Lawrence comes up to the City Residency.-Insurrection of the city budmâshes.—They had concerted with the mutineers to join them.-Disappointed in this intention, they commenced an outbreak, which was quelled.

SUCH was the state of preparations, and such the feeling of the people of Oudh, and of the soldiery, when we reached the 30th of May; the day when we were ourselves to experience the long-apprehended outbreak. Nothing of particular moment had occurred that day. We ourselves had taken our usual drive into cantonments, and had seen and saluted young Grant, Lieutenant in the 71st N. I., who was that evening on duty at the main picket. A sepoy of the 13th N. I. did indeed report at head-quarters that a mutiny would take place on that