To secure the fidelity of the native gunners, which was suspected, Sir Henry Lawrence made arrangements for placing a guard of European soldiers upon the roof of the Post Office, which immediately looked down upon the guns, at the distance of a few yards. Orders had also been issued to provision the Muchee Bhowun and the Residency, but no great progress had been made in storing grain. A large amount of treasure had been collected during the month of May, which was now lying out in the district treasuries, and which it was desired to bring in. Parties of the 7th Light Cavalry were sent out to Mullaon and to Oonao, and safely performed this duty. The treasure from Seetapoor and Sultanpoor also arrived safely. At Duriabad was a treasure of nearly three lacs of rupees, guarded by the 5th Regt. of O. I. Infantry, which Captain W. H. Hawes commanding that corps was ordered to bring in. He attempted to accomplish this, but the fidelity of the regiment failed when the treasure began to be removed, and their conduct became so mutinous that the attempt was abandoned. During this time I continued to see much of the chief native gentlemen of the city. Newaub Ahmedallee Khan Monowurooddowlah, the nephew of the well-known minister, Hukeem Mehndee; Newaub Mirza Hosseyn Khan Ikramooddowlah, uncle-in-law to the ex-King; Mohamed Ibrahim Shurfooddowlah, lately the King's minister; Raja Balkishen, the late finance minister; Mirza Hydur, grandson of the Buhoo Begum of Fyzabad ; Newaub Moomtauzooddowlah, a relative of the Royal Family; Shurfooddowlah Gholam Ruza, a large contractor under the native Government; MohsunoodKnown in the time of Warren Hastings as the Bhow Begum, dowlah, a near relation of the ex-King, and several of the city bankers, constantly attended. Most of these now began to exhibit considerable alarm. They were afraid of popular insurrection, and of the loss which they would suffer from plunder; and were glad to hear of measures of defence being taken. Towards the end of May I was requested by Sir Henry Lawrence to assemble all the respectable native gentry at my house, where he met them, and conveyed his sanction to their arming themselves and followers, and making every preparation for defence. They professed their inability to do much. Monowurooddowlah, indeed, who is a fine manly character, a sportsman and a soldier, and possessed a splendid English battery of guns and rifles by all the best London makers, assured us that he was ready to defend his house. Mohsunooddowlah, on the other hand, who was distinguished by his part adoption of the European style of dress, and by his affecting European society, used to turn almost of a green hue with fear whenever the mutinies were spoken of. Balkishen, a non-combatant Hindoo by profession, and a Kayth by caste, avowed that he dared not look upon a drawn sword, and that for him to fight was impossible. At this time all the accounts which we received from native sources described the people of Lucknow to be in the main well affected towards us. Suffering among some classes, and discontent among many others, we knew to exist; but the mass of persons of influence and of substance, we were told, were on our side. It was suggested that the opinion of Captain Savary, an invalid officer of the Bengal Native Infantry, who had long resided in the city, and had mixed familiarly with native society, should be sought. Accordingly, by Sir Henry Lawrence's desire, the Judi cial Commissioner requested a visit from that officer. Captain Savary attended a meeting at my house, at which Mr. Ommanney and myself were present. He was in the European costume, and was manifestly suffering, and out of health. His opinion confirmed that which we had previously received; for Captain Savary thought that there was a preponderance of well-affected persons in Lucknow. He told us, however, what we already knew, that the tax on the retail of opium was very unpopular; and that from the delay in the issue of the promised pensions many of the native gentry were suffering want. He shared our alarm respecting the progress of the mutinies ; but hoped that if the rebel troops could be kept out of the capital, the city might remain quiet. Having satisfied our inquiries, Captain Savary returned to his home in the city, and I never saw or heard of him again. I entertain no doubt that when the investment of the Residency suddenly took place on the 30th of June, Captain Savary, as well as some other Europeans, were surprised by that event, and slain. A copy of the proclamation issued by Mr. Colvin, the Lieutenant of Agra, promising immunity from punishment to all sepoys not concerned in murderous attacks upon Europeans, now reached Lucknow. Sir Henry Lawrence did not disapprove of it; and directed the Judicial Commissioner to prepare and cause to be issued a notification throughout the Province of Oudh, holding out promises of clemency, not inferior to those promised by Mr. Colvin, to all revolted sepoys who should return to their duty. Mr. Colvin's proclamation has attained a general notoriety. That issued by Sir Henry Lawrence will probably be first brought to the notice of the English public in the present work. The former state paper has been mercilessly condemned; and if the condemnation so pronounced be just, it must be extended to the still more lenient proclamation issued by Sir Henry Lawrence. I must not, however, conceal my opinion that the public censure upon Mr. Colvin has been undeservedly severe. At the time, at Lucknow, though myself and others considered the spirit of both proclamations to be too lenient, we did not regard the clemency to be so great as to be dangerous, and did not attach much importance to their issue. We never interpreted Mr. Colvin's proclamation so as to include those sepoys who had shared the murder of their officers, although it must be confessed that the words "private persons were used unhappily. We, however, understood the meaning which they were intended to convey by Mr. Colvin, and should have been glad if his notification had availed anything to detach from the more dangerous and determined mutineers, those who had joined the rebel ranks, "because they could not get away." However myself, and I believe others, expected little benefit from it. We felt that the conspiracy which had given rise to such fearful outbreaks in the soldiery could not be stayed by so mild a measure. It might, indeed, detach a few from the mutineer ranks, but no general effect could be expected to follow; and, as already stated, little attention was paid to its issue, or to that which was put forth at Lucknow. Such were the feelings prevalent upon the subject at the time, and near the spot where the proclamation was issued. Viewing the question after a considerable interval of time and space, I find little reason to find fault with Mr. Colvin, or to impugn the justice and policy of this palliative measure, which was adopted in the fearful crisis of the month of May, 1857. A faint hope still existed that the appalling danger might be warded off, and that the dreaded combination of the native troops might be stopped by timely conciliation. If there ever existed just ground for such a hope, which every ruler was bound to entertain as long as it was possible, it was then, when a semblance of order was preserved by the troops at Agra and at Lucknow. A few days later, and that semblance was gone, and open and defiant mutiny glared upon us. Nor should it be forgotten, that no sooner was Mr. Colvin certified that it was no longer possible to repose confidence upon the native regiments at Agra, than he no longer hesitated, but at once disarmed them a bold and decided line of conduct, which assuredly merits praise. : By the telegraph we learnt that reinforcements of European troops were being pushed up from Calcutta as fast as the defective means of conveyance allowed. On the 25th of May the Governor-General telegraphed as follows:-" It is impossible to place a wing of Europeans at Cawnpoor in less time than twenty-five days. The Government dawk, and the dawk companies, are fully engaged in carrying a company of the 84th to Benares, at the rate of eighteen men a dawk. A wing of the Madras Fusiliers arrived yesterday, and starts to-day by bullock train, part by steamer. The bullock train can take 100 men a day, at the rate of thirty miles a day. The entire regiment of the Fusiliers, about 1000 strong, cannot be collected at Benares in less than nineteen or twenty days. One hundred and fifty men who go by steamer will scarcely be there so soon. I expect that from this time forward troops will be pushed upwards at the rate of 100 men a day from Calcutta; each batch taking ten days to |