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may not I be permitted to speak in my own fa- to see those honors which their ancestors have sor? Was I not called by the voice of the King worn, restored again to the Commons. and the nation to remedy the fatal effects of the Have I given any symptoms of an avaricious Socth Sea project, and to support declining cred- disposition ? Have I obtained any grants from it? Was I not placed at the head of the treas, the Crown, since I have been placed at the head ary when the revenues were in the greatest con- of the treasury? Has my conduct been differ. Puision ? Is credit revived, and does it now flour- ent from that which others in the same station ish? Is it pot at an incredible height, and if so, would have followed? Have I acted wrong in 10 whom must that circumstance be attributed ? giving the place of auditor to my son, and ir Has not tranquillity been preserved both at providing for my own family? I trust that their home and abroad, notwithstanding a most un advancement will not be imputed to me as a reasonable and violent opposition? Has the true crime, unless it shall be proved that I placed interest of the nation been pursued, or has trade them in offices of trust and responsibility for flourished? Have gentlemen produced one in which they were unfit. stance of this exorbitant power; of the influence But while I unequivocally deny that I am sole which I extend to all parts of the nation; of the and prime minister, and that to my influence and lyranny with which I oppress those who oppose, direction all the measures of the government and the liberality with which I reward those must be attributed, yet I will not shrink from who support me? But having first invested me the responsibility which attaches to the post I with a kind of mock dignity, and styled me a have the honor to buid; and should, during the prime minister, they impute to me an unpardon- long period in which I have sat upon this bench, able abuse of that chimerical authority which any one step taken by government be proved to they only have created and conferred. If they be either disgraceful or disadvantageous to the are really persuaded that the army is annually nation, I am ready to hold myself accountable. established by me, that I have the sole disposal To conclude, sir, though I shall always be of posts and honors, that I employ this power in proud of the honor of any trust or confidence the destruction of liberty and the diminution of from his Majesty, yet I shall always be ready to commerce, let me awaken them from their de- remove from his councils and presence when he lusion. Let me expose to their view the real thinks fit; and therefore I should think myself condition of the public weal. Let me show them very little concerned in the event of the present that the Crown has made no encroachments, that question, if it were not for the encroachment that all supplies have been granted by Parliament, will thereby be made upon the prerogatives of that all questions have been debated with the the Crown. But I must think that an address to same freedom as before the fatal period in which his Majesty to remove one of his servants, with. my counsels are said to have gained the ascend-out so much as alleging any particular crime ency; an ascendency from which they deduce against him, is one of the greatest encroachments the loss of trade, the approach of slavery, the that was ever made upon the prerogatives of the preponderance of prerogative, and the extension Crown. And therefore, for the sake of my mas. of influence. But I am far from believing that ter, without any regard for my own, I hope all they feel those apprehensions which they so earn- those that have a due regard for our constitution, estly labor to communicate to others; and I and for the rights and prerogatives of the Crown, hare too high an opinion of their sagacity not to without which our constitution can not be pre. conclude that, even in their own judgment, they served, will be against this motion. are complaining of grievances that they do not sufler, and promoting rather their private inter- This speech had a great effect. The motiou est than that of the public.

for an address was negatived by a large majority. What is this unbounded sole power which is But the advantage thus gained was only tem. impated to me? How has it discovered itself, porary. A spirit of disaffection had spread or how has it been proved ?

throughout the kingdom; and the next elec. What have been the effects of the corruption, tions, which took place a few months after, ambition, and avarice with which I am so aband-showed that the power and influence of Walpole antly charged ?

were on the decline. Still he clung to office Have I ever been suspected of being corrupt- with a more desperate grasp than ever. He ed? A strange phenomenon, a corrupter him- used some of the most extraordinary expedients self not corrupt! Is ambition imputed to me? ever adopted by a minister, to divide the Oppo. Why then do I still continue a commoner? I, sition and retain his power. He even opened a who refused a white staff and a peerage. I had, negotiation with the Pretender at Rome, to ob. indeed, like to have forgotten the little ornament tain the support of the Jacobites. But his ef. about my shoulders (the garter), which gentle- forts were in vain. He lost his majority in the men have so repeatedly mentioned in terms of House; he was compelled to inform the King sarcastic obloquy But surely, though this may that he could no longer administer the govern. be regarded with envy or indignation in another ment; he was created Earl of Orford with a place, it can not be supposed to raise any resent. pension of £4000 a year, and resigned all hy ment in this House, whero many may be pleased | offices on the 11th of February, 1742.

MR. PULTENE Y.

WILLIAM PULTENEY, first Earl of Bath, was born in 1682. He was elected a member of Parliament in early life, and applied himself to the diligent study of the temper of the House, and the best mode of speaking in so mixed and discordant an assembly. He made no attempts to dazzle by any elaborate display of eloquence; for it was his maxim, that “there are few real orators who commence with set speeches.” His powers were slowly developed. He took part in almost every important debats, more (at first) for his own improvement than with any expectation of materially changing the vote. He thus gradually rose into one of the most dexterous and effective speakers of the British Senate.

His speeches, unfortunately, have been worse reported, in respect to the peculiar characteristics of his eloquence, than those of any of his contemporaries. The fol. lowing one, however, though shorter than might be wished, is undoubtedly a fair specimen of the bold, direct, and confident, though not overbearing manner, in which he ordinarily addressed himself to the judgment and feelings of the House. The language is uncommonly easy, pointed, and vigorous. The sentences flow lightly off in a clear and varied sequence, without the slightest appearance of statelinese or mannerism. It is the exact style for that conversational mode of discussion which is best adapted to the purposes of debate.

Walpole, when displaced by the exertions of Pulteney in 1742, had the satisfactiou o dragging down his adversary along with him. He saw that the Opposition must go to pieces the moment they were left to themselves; that a new administration sould never be framed out of such discordant materials; and that whoever should undertake it would be ruined in the attempt. He therefore induced the King to lay that duty upon Pulteney. The result was just what he expected. The King insisted on retaining a large proportion of Walpole's friends. Comparatively few offices re. inainel for others, and both Whigs and Tories were disappointed and enraged. Pulteney shrunk from taking office himself, under these circumstances. He professed great disinterestedness; he had no desire for power; he would merely accept a peerage, which all parties regarded as the reward of his perfidy. He was created Earl of Bath; and the name of Patriot, as Horace Walpole tells us, became a term of derision and contempt throughout all the kingdom. When the newly-created earls met for the first time in the House of Lords, Walpole walked up to Pulteney, and said to him, with a mixture of pleasantry and bitterness, for which he was always distinguished, “ Here we are, my Lord, the two most insignificant fellows in England.” Pulteney died on the Sth of June, 1764.

SPEECH

OF MR. PULTENEY ON A MOTION FOR REDUCING THE ARMY, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF

COMMONS.

Sin-We have heard a great deal about Par- tion. A standing army is still a standing army, amentary armies, and about an army continued | whatever name it be called by. They are a body from year to year. I have always been, sir, and of men distinct from the body of the people; they always shall be, against a standing army of any are governed by different laws; and blind obe. kind. To me it is a terrible thing, whether un- dience, and an entire submission to the orders of der tha' of Parliamentary or any other designa- | their commanding officer, is their only principle

The nations around us, sir, are already enslaved, that case happens, I am afraid that, in placc of and have been enslaved by these very means : Parliament's dismissing the army, ine army will by means of their standing armies they have ev- dismiss the Parliament, as they have done here. ery one lost their liberties. It is indeed impos- tofore. Nor does the legality or illegality of that sible that the liberties of the people can be pre- Parliament, or of that army, alter the case. For served in any country where a numerous stand with respect to that army, and according to their ing army is kept up. Shall we, then, take any way of thinking, the Parliament dismissed by of our measures from the examples of our neigh- them was a legal Parliament; they were an bors ? No, sir, on the contrary, from their mis- army raised and maintained according to law; fortunes we ought to learn to avoid those rocks and at first they were raised, as they imagined, tipon which they have split.

for the preservation of those liberties which they It signifies nothing to tell me, that our army afterward destroyed. is commanded by such gentlemen as can not be It has been urged, sir, that whoever is for the supposed to join in any measures for enslaving | Protestant succession must be for continuing tho their country. It may be so. I hope it is so! | army: for that very reason, sir, I am against I have a very good opinion of many gentlemen continuing the army. I know that neither the now in the army. I believe they would not join Protestant succession in his Majesty's most illusin any such measures. But their lives are un- trious house, nor any succession, can ever be safe certain, nor can we be sure how long they may so long as there is a standing army in the counbe continued in command ; they may be all dis- try. Armies, sir, have no regard to hereditary missed in a moment, and proper tools of power successions. The first two Cesars at Rome did put in their room. Besides, sir, we know the pretty well, and found means to keep their armies passions of men; we know how dangerous it is in tolerable subjection, because the generals and to trust the best of men with too much power. officers were all their own creatures. But how Where was there a braver army than that under did it fare with their successors? Was not ev. Julius Cesar? Where was there ever an army ery one of them named by the army, without that had served their country more faithfully ? any regard to hereditary right, or to any right? That army was commanded generally by the A cobbler, a gardener, or any man who hapbest citizens of Rome-by men of great fortune pened to raise himself in the army, and could and figure in their country; yet that army en-gain their affections, was made Emperor of the slaved their country. The affections of the sol. world. Was not every succeeding Emperor diers toward their country, the honor and integ- raised to the throne, or tumbled headlong into rity of the under officers, are not to be depended the dust, according to the mere whim or mad on. By the military law, the administration of phrensy of the soldiers ? justice is so quick, and the punishments so se. We are told this army is desired to be continvere, that neither officer nor soldier dares offer / ued but for one year longer, or for a limited term to dispute the orders of his supreme commander; 1 of years. How absurd is this distinction! is he must not consult his own inclinations. If an there any army in the world continued for any officer were commanded to pull his own father term of years? Does the most absolute mon. out of this House, he must do it; he dares not arch tell his army, that he is to continue them disobey; immediate death would be the sure any number of years, or any number of months ? consequence of the least grumbling. And if an How long have we already continued our army officer were sent into the Court of Requests, ac- from year to year? And if it thus continues, companied by a body of musketeers with screw-wherein will it differ from the standing armies ed bayonets, and with orders to tell us what we of those countries which have already submitted ought to do, and how we were to vote, I know their necks to the yoke? We are now come to what would be the duty of this House; I know the Rubicon. Our army is now to be reduced, it would be our duty to order the officer to be or never will. From his Majesty's own mouth taken and hanged up at the door of the lobby. we are assured of a profound tranquillity abroad, But, sir, I doubt much if such a spirit could be and we know there is one at home. If this is found in the House, or in any House of Com- not a proper time, if these circumstances do not mons that will ever be in England.

afford us a safe opportunity for reducing at least Sir, I talk not of imaginary things. I talk of a part of our regular forces, we never can ex. what has happened to an English House of Com- pect to see any reduction. This nation, already mons, and from an English army; and not only overburdened with debts and taxes, must be load. from an English army, but an army that was ed with the heavy charge of perpetually support. raised by that very House of Commons, an army ing a numerous standing army; and remain forthat was paid by them, and an army that was ever exposed to the danger of having its liberties commanded by generals appointed by them. and privileges trampled upon by any future king Therefore do not let us vainly imagine that an or ministry, who shall take in their head to do army raised and maintained by authority of Parso, and shall take a proper care to model the liament will always be submissive to them. If army for that purpose. an army be so numerous as to have it in their power to overawe the Parliament, they will be submissive as long as the Parliament does noth 1 The bill for continuing the army on the same ing to disoblige their favorite general; but when footing was passed by a large n ajority

LORD CHESTERFIELD.

l'AILIP DORMER STANHOPE, fourth Earl of Chesterfield, was torn in 1694. He was equally distinguished for his love of polite literature, the grace of his manners, the pungency of his wit, and the elegance of his literary productions. In latei times he has been most known by his Letters to his Son. These, though admirable codels of the epistolary style, are disfigured by a profligacy of sentiment which has cast a just odium on his character; while the stress they lay upon mere accomplishments has created a very natural suspicion, among those who have seen him only in that correspondence, as to the strength and soundness of his judgment. He was unquestionably, however, a man of great acuteness and force of intellect. As an oratoi, Horace Walpole gave him the preference over all the speakers of his day. This may have arisen, in part, from the peculiar dexterity with which he could play with a subject that he did not choose to discuss—a kind of talent which Walpole would be very apt to appreciate. It often happens that weak and foolish measures can be exposed more effectually by wit than by reasoning. In this kind of attack Lord Chesterfield had uncommon power. His fancy supplied him with a wide range of materials, which he brought forward with great ingenuity, presenting a succession of unexpected combinations, that flashed upon the mind with all the liveliness and force of the keenest wit or the most poignant satire. The speech which follows is a specimen of his talent for this kind of speaking. “It will be read with avidity by those who relish the sprightly sallies of genius, or who are emulous of a style of eloquence which, though it may not always convince, will never fail to delight."

The speech relates to a bill for granting licenses to gin-shops, by which the min istry hoped to realize a very large annual income. This income they proposed to employ in carrying on the German war of George II., which arose out of his exclu. sive care for his Electorate of Hanover, and was generally odious throughout Great Britain. Lord Chesterfield made two speeches on this subject, which are here given together, with the omission of a few unimportant paragraphs. It has been hastily inferred, from a conversation reported by Boswell, that these speeches, as here given, were written by Johnson. Subsequent inquiry, however, seems to prove that this was not the fact; but, on the contrary, that Lord Chesterfield prepared them for publication himself.

Lord Chesterfield filled many offices of the highest importance under the reign of George II. In 1728 he was appointed embassador to Holland; and, by his adroit ness and diplomatic skill, succeeded in delivering Hanover from the calamities of war which hung over it. As a reward for his services, he was made Knight of the Garter and Lord Steward of the Royal Household. At a later period he was ap pointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. This difficult office he discharged with grea! dexterity and self-command, holding in check the various factions of that country with consummate skill. On his return to England in 1746, he was called to the office of Secretary of State ; but, having become wearied of public employments, ho soon resigned, and devoted the remainder of his life to the pursuits of literature and the society of his friends. He now carried on the publication of a series of papers in imitation of the Spectator, entitled the World, in which some of the best specimens may be found of his light, animated, and easy style of writing. Toward the close of his life he became deaf, and suffered from numerous bodily infirmities, which filled his latter days with gloom and despondency. He bore the most emphatic testimony to the folly and disappointment of the course he had led, and died in 1773, it the age of seventy-nine.

SPEECH

OF LORD CIIESTERFIELD ON THE GIN ACT, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF LORD3, FE.BRUARI

21, 1743.

The bill now under our consideration appears not be in a very great degree pronoted by i:. to me to deserve a much closer regard than For what produces all kind of wickedness bus seems to have been paid to it in the other House, the prospect of impunity on one part, or the sothrough which it was hurried with the utmost licitation of opportunity on the other? Either precipitation, and where it passed almost with of these have too frequently been sufficient to out the formality of a debate. Nor can I think overpower the sense of morality, and even of that earnestness with which some lords seem in- religion; and what is not to be feared from them, clined to press it forward here, consistent with when they shall unite their force, and operate the importance of the consequences which may together, when temptations shall be increased, with great reason be expected from it.

and terror taken away? To desire, my Lords, that this bill may be con- It is allowed, by those who have hitherto dissidered in a committee, is only to desire that it puted on either side of this question, that the may gain one step without opposition; that it people appear obstinately enamored of this new may proceed through the forms of the House by liquor. It is allowed on both parts that this stealth, and that the consideration of it may be liquor corrupts the mind and enervates the body, delayed, till the exigences of the government and destroys vigor and virtue, at the same time shall be so great as not to allow time for raising that it makes those who drink it too idle and feethe supplies by any other method.

ble for work; and, while it impoverishes them By this artifice, gross as it is, the patrons of by the present expense, disables them from rethis wonderful bill hope to obstruct a plain and trieving its ill consequences by subsequert indusopen detection of its tendency. They hope, my try. Lords, that the bill shall operate in the same! It might be imagined, my Lords, that those manner with the liquor which it is intended to who had thus far agreed would not easily find bring into more general use; and that, as those any occasions of dispute. Nor would any man, who drink spirits are drunk before they are well unacquainted with the motives by which parlia. aware that they are drinking, the effects of this mentary debates are too often influenced, sus. law shall be perceived before we know that we pect that after the pernicious qualities of this have made it. Their intent is, to give us a liquor, and the general inclination among the dram of pohcy, which is to be swallowed before people to the immoderate use of it, had been it is tasted, and which, when once it is swallow- thus fully admitted, it could be afterward in. ed, will turn our heads.

quired whether it ought to be made more com. But, my Lords, I hope we shall be so cautious mon; whether this universal thirst for poisou as to examine the draught which these state em ought to be encouraged by the Legislature, and pirics have thought proper to offer us; and I am whether a new statute ought to be made, to seconfident that a very little examination will con- cure drunkards in the gratification of their appevince us of the pernicious qualities of their new tites. preparation, and show that it can have no other To pretend, my Lords, that the design of this effect than that of poisoning the public. bill is to prevent or diminish the use of spirits, is

The law before us, my Lords, seems to be to trample upon common sense, and to violate the effect of that practice of which it is intended the rules of decency as well as of reason. For likewise to be the canse, and to be dictated by when did any man hear that a commodity was the liquor of which it so effectually promotes prohibited by licensing its sale, or that to offer the use ; for surely it never before was conceiv- and refuse is the same action ? ed, by any man intrusted with the administra It is indeed pleaded that it will be made tion of public affairs, to raise taxes by the de- dearer by the tax which is proposed, and that struction of the people.

the increase of the price will diminish the numNothing, my Lords, but the destruction of all ber of the purchasers; but it is at the same time the most laborious and useful part of the nation expected that this tax shall supply the expense can be expected from the license which is now of a war on the Continent. It is asserted, there. proposed to be given, not only to drunkenness, fore, that the consumption of spirits will be hin. but to drunkenness of the most detestable and dered; and yet that it will be such as may be ex dangerous kind; to the abuse not only of intox-pected to furnish, from a very small tax, a rev. icating, but of poisonous liquors.

enue sufficient for the support of armies, for the Nothing, my Lords, is more absurd than to re-establishment of the Austrian family, and the assert that the use of spirits will be hindered repressing of the attempts of France. by the hill now before us, or indeed that it will Surely, my Lords, these expectations are nu

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