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A Pantheon for the truly great,

The wise, beneficent, and just;
A place of wide and lofty state

To honour or to hold their dust,
A temple to attract and teach

Shall lift its spire on every hill,
Where pious men shall feel and preach

Peace, mercy, tolerance, good-will;
Music of bells on Sabbath days,

Round the whole earth shall gladly rise ;
And one great Christian song of praise

Stream sweetly upward to the skies !

Give me the gold that war has cost,

Before this peace-expanding day ;
The wasted skill, the labour lost

The mental treasure thrown away ;
And I will buy each rood of soil

In every yet discovered land ;-
Where hunters roam, where peasants toil,

Where many-peopled cities stand.
I'll clothe each shivering wretch on earth,

In needful ; nay, in brave attire ;
Vesture befitting banquet mirth,

Which kings might envy and admire.
In every vale, on every plain,

A school shall glad the gazer's sight;
Where every poor man's child may gain

Pure knowledge, free as air and light.
I'll build asylums for the poor,

By age or ailment made forlorn;
And none shall thrust them from the door,

Or sting with looks and words of scorn.
I'll link each alien hemisphere ;

Ilelp honest men to conquer wrong ;
Art, Science, Labour, nerve and cheer;

Reward the poet for his song.
In every crowded town shall rise

Halls academic, amply graced ;
Where Ignorance may soon be wise,

And Coarseness learn both art and taste.
To every province shall belong

Collegiate structures, and not few-
Fill'd with a truth-exploring throng,

And teachers of the good and true.
In every free and peopled clime

A vast Walhalla hall shall stand ;
A marble edifice sublime,

For the illustrious of the land ;

The warrior waves his standard high,

His falchion flashes in the fray ;
He madly shouts his battle-cry,

And glories in a well-fought day.
But Famine's at the city gate,

And Rapine prowls without tlie walls,
The country round lies desolate,

While Havoc's blighting footstep falls.
By ruined hearths—by homes defiled

In scenes that Nature's visage mar,
We feel the storm of passions wild,

And pluck the bitter fruit of war.
The cobweb hangs on sword or belt,

The charger draws the gliding plough ;
The cannon in the furnace melt,

And change to gentle purpose now.
The threshers swing their ponderous flails ;

The craftsmen toil with cheerful might,
The ocean swarms with merchant sails,

And busy mills look gay by night.
The happy land becomes renowned,

As knowledge, arts and wealth increase,
And thus, with Plenty smiling round,

We cull the blessed fruits of peacc.
-From Bentley's Miscellany for June, by Mr. Stonchouse.


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Received from August 26th, to October 29th, 1851.
Toron Collection.
Hopkins, Mr. Rice
£0 10 6 Mr. A. H. Spence £0 10 0 | Mr. Thomas Terry

£0 50 Albright, Mrs. Hannah £0 10 6 Hutchinson, Mr. J. H. 1 10

J. G. Wallis
0 5 0 G. Hope

050 Alsop, Mr. Robert 1 10 Janson, Mr. William

1 1 0
Thomas Burtt
0 5 0 John Jackson

0 50 Angus, Mr. J. W. 1 0 0 Knight, Misses Ann and

S. Pickard
0 5 0 James Chadwick

0 50 Antray, Mr. F. C. Hospes 0 2 6 Sophia

1 00
J. Mountain
0 50 Henry Hope

0 2 6 Balbirnie, Mr. (don.) Ö 10 0 Lucas, Mr. Edmund (2 years) 2 0 0 C. Beverley

0 5 0
J. Taylor

0 2 6 Barrett, Mr. Joseph 1 1 0 | Morgan, Mrs. (quarterly) 0 1 0

H. Robinson

0 26

York. Blackmore, Mr. Walter 050 Neatby, Mr. Joseph

1 1 0

Collection after Lecture 3 211 Burns, Mr. George 050 | Nutall, Mr. William

The Right Hon. the Lord 050

1 0 0 Mayor

Thirsk. Buckingham, J. S., Esq. i 10 Pattison, Mrs.

0 50 De Sellon, Countess (25 fracs) 1

D. Hill, Esq. 0 0 Rogers, Mr.

0 10 0 | Mr. John Baker

0 10 6 0 10 6 Dixie, Mr. Benjamin

Mr. G. P. Bainbridge 1 10 Smith, Mrs. Ann Hopkins

0 10 0

0 10 0

Bartholomew Smith

1 1 0 Duer, Mr. Samuel

0 10 0 Mrs. West W. Richardson, Esq., Ald.

0 100 0 10 6 Sinclair, Mr. Archibald 0 10 0 Edwards, Mrs. Ann

0 50 1

James Meek, Jun., Esq.
00 Tapp, Mr. Joseph

0 10 6 Mr. R. Peat .
1 10
Mr. R. Burdekin
0 10 0 F. Hansell

0 60 1 Ellis, Wynn, Esq. 10 Thomson, Mr. Adam

0 10 6

Thomas Monkhouse Garratt, Mr. William

0 5 0 | Small Contributions

0 6 3 1 10 | Thompson, Mr. Joseph 1 0 0 Good, Rev. Alexander 0 10 6 Vegetarian, A

0 5 0

LEGACY. Gregory, Mr. Charles 1 10 Wickson, Mr. James 0 10 6 Of Messrs. Joseph Walker, William Walker, and George Tatham, Hickson, Mr. James 1 10 Wornham, Mr. jun. (don.) 0 5 0 Executors of the late Thomas Walker, of Leeds, free from Duty £50 00 Hoath, Mr. James 1 0 0 | Woollaston, Mr.

0 10 0


Mr. J. J. Thierrymieg, pre

Mr. John Yeardley
Alton, by Mr. A. C. Crowley. Baron, Mrs.

0 1 0
sented to a Tract dis-

James E. Nelson

1 0 0 Bell, Misses 1 10 Cattrall, Mr. J.

0 2 0

0 6 2 Thomas Bazley
Bransby, Mr.
60 Engisch, Mr. C.
0 2 0


0 2 6 Coleby, Mr. B. H. 0 10 6 S. C.

0 1 0

Manchester, by Mr. W. Satterthwaite.
Crowley, Mr. Abraham 0 10 6 Rumney, Mr. H.

0 2 0
Thomas Barnes, Esq.

5 00 Crowley, Mr. A. C. 0 10 6 Whincop, Mr. R. G.


0 10 6 Curtis, Mrs. ,

Subscriptions, &c. by Mr. W. Stokes, I give unto the Treasurer or Treasurers for the time being of " The Society

0 10 6 Curtis, Mr.


for the Promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace,' established in 0 10 6 G. W. Harrison, Esq. 1 1 0 London in the year 1816, the sum of

Pounds Gripper, Mr. H.

0 10 6

Messrs. S. Holdsworth & Sons i 10 Sterling, to be raised and paid for the purposes of the said Society, out of Holmes, Mr. William

1 1 0 Rogers, Mr. 0 10 6 Collected after Lecture

such part only of my Personal Estate as shall not consist of Chatiels real, 1 1 0

or money secured on Mortgage of Lands or Tenements, or in any other Stoke Newington, by Mr. S. Clay. Mr. B. J. Candler

0 10 6 manner affecting Lands or Tenements ; and for which the receipt of such Baron, Mr. E. F.

050 | Mr. William Kitching, 0 10 0 | Treasurer or Treasurers shall be a sufficient Discharge.

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“Put up thy sword into his place: for all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword.”—Matt. xxvi. 52.
“They shall beat their swords into plough-shares, and their spears into pruning-hooks : nation shall not lift up sword against nation,

neither shall they learn war any more.”—Isaiah ii. 4.




Prics 34. UXSTAMPAD.




rence to their sufferings and aspirations. On the contrary, we

say, the whole weight of our moral influence may be cast into The friends of Peace have been placed in some difficulty the scale in favour of right and liberty, without provoking a by the appearance in England of this remarkable man. On the murmur from the friends of Peace. And we must be perone hand, some would deter them from the expression of any mitted to say, that those are the men who hold low, sordid, sympathy with him, and with the cause of suffering freedom and material views, who affirm that at this period of the world's represented in his person, while others would tempt them to history, a nation's influence is to be estimated only by the put their own principles in abeyance, lest they should damp number of its bayonets, or the calibre of its cannon, and who the enthusiasm, with which they think he ought to be greeted, sneer at the power of public opinion, unless we back that by all lovers of liberty. In our humble judgment it is not opinion by assuming an attitude of armed menace. necessary to go to either extreme. It seems to us a matter of

answer these gentlemen in the eloquent language of Lord simple and inevitable logical sequence, that the friends of Palmerston in 1849:-“It is quite true, it may be said, what Peace, whatever in other respects may be their political senti- are opinions against armies ? Sir, my answer is, opinions are ments, should be opposed with the whole strength of their stronger than armies. Opinions, if they are founded in truth convictions, to that heartless iron despotism, which rests for and justice, will, in the end, prevail against the bayonets of its very existence on the brute force of standing armies. And infautry, the fire of artillery, and the charges of cavalry.” we esteem it, we confess, perfectly compatible with the most It must be admitted, indeed, that the force of opinion will sound-hearted loyalty to the principles we hold, to hail with greatly depend upon the character of him who utters it, being gratitude and joy, the escape from the relentless grasp of tyranny, free from the imputation of similar charges to those he of a man who has struggled, though in the latter part of his brings against others. And herein, unhappily, consists the career by means which we believe were utterly erroneous, for moral weakness of England's remonstrance in favour of the the right, against falsehood, perjury and violence. Most un- oppressed. It was not without a feeling of bitter degradation questionably there can be no peace, while Governments like that we saw recently an extract from a dispatch of Prince those of Eastern Europe, casting open contempt upon all ideas Schwarzenburgh to Lord Palmerston, in reply to a respectful of right, lay the entire foundation of their rule on an appeal hope expressed by his Lordship, that the Austrian government to the soldier's bayonet. It is therefore utterly impossible that would not drive matters to extremity against the Hungarians, any consistent friend of Peace can do otherwise than look with in which the Prince points to our proceedings in Cephalonia and unqualified abhorrence, upon that hideous military domination Ireland as a justification of their severities." Whenever a revolt which prevails in Russia and Austria, which aims to crush all breaks out,” says he, "within the vast limits of the British empire, liberty of thought, all aspirations of progress, all the onward the English Government knows how to maintain the authority developments of humanity, beneath the rampant hoof of the of the law, even at the price of torrents of blood.This may war-demon,

be “ cool and measured insolence," but it is at least extremely On the other hand, it seems to us no less clear, that the natural, and it is, unfortunately, deplorably true. We would friends of freedom who make their appeal to the sword, adopt | most gladly join in the emphatic reprobation hurled within the very best way they could devise, if they were to search the last few weeks by the people of this country against the through the whole compass of the possible combinations of crimes and cruelties of Austria in reference to Hungary and human affairs, to strengthen and prolong the reign of that Italy. But our voice is choked by the remembrance of our own brute force, which is the great antagonist of their cause. The quite recent doings in the Ionian islands, on the coast of Borneo, effect of their last effort of this kind, was to add two millions of in Affghanistan, and in South Africa. We venture to assert men to the standing armies of Europe, and to add incomparably that none of the atrocities committed by the miserable governmore to their prestige in the estimation of multitudes. We ment of Vienna can exceed, in deliberate treachery and wanton therefore feel that it would have been a most serious dereliction injustice, the conduct of England towards the Affghans and of duty on our part, if we had shrunk from pointing out the Kaffirs. Not even the butcheries of Haynau have been more conspicuous and most affecting illustration of the suicidal folly inhuman and cold blooded than those perpetrated by Sir James of this policy afforded by the melancholy issue of the recent Brooke and the officers of the British navy upon the wretched conflict in Hungary.

Dyaks, for whose slaughter they afterwards received bloodIn reference again to the question, as to what England money at the rate of £10. per head. Most heartily, therefore, ought to do on behalf of Hungary, we believe there is a course do we concur in the pertinent and forcible language expressed open to us, which shall perfectly reconcile our love of peace by Mr. Cobden at Southampton, and which some of the with our love of freedom. The doctrine of non-intervention, journals, with their wonted dishonesty, have been trying to as held by the friends of Peace, is grossly caricatured when it pervert out of its obvious meaning into an exhortation for an is represented as consisting in a selfish isolation of ourselves armed intervention on behalf of Hungary :-"Well, then, I from all sympathy with other nations, and a heartless indiffe- say that were public opinion so far enlightened that newspapers would not dare to falsify it by taking side with Russia, They may have been robbed of their lands, they may have been it would not require many words from an English Foreign plundered of their cattle, they may have been driven into Minister to make that opinion have weight with foreign deserts which afford no pasturage for their herds, they may despots. But if we wish our opinion to have weight, we must have seen their children perish from famine, their chiefs may come into court with clean hands. My efforts have been to have been treated with every species of opprobrium, indignity make us understand our duty with regard to interference in and contempt. Be that as may, they must be put down with foreign countries. I am almost afraid to look back for the a strong and energetic hand." As for justice ha! ha! ha! last twenty years and see what has been our conduct. There who ever thought that a great nation like England is to was our most wicked interference in the affairs of Portugal, enquire into the justice of her course, when she is arrayed where we boldly carried off the leaders of the people in order against a set of barbarians. “No, no ! down with them. First, to subserve the interests of the Court; and then there were crush them into submission, and then perhaps we may talk our proceedings in Greece and in the affairs of Holstein. I about justice." Notwithstanding however, the hard, scoffing, cannot find, then, that we have clean hands, and therefore my triumphant tone, which these oracles assume, we venture still advice to the English and American people—and I think there humbly to say, that if there be “a God that ruleth in the have been some symptoms of the latter people falling into the kingdom of men," if truth and righteousness have any applitrap-my advice to them is that they should promptly adopt cation whatever to the conduct of states—if we are not prepared the principle of non-intervention. When Lord Grey came to make practical atheism the profession of our national faith, into office, non-intervention was to be the motto of the Whigs, the principle wbich is here laid down is not a wise or a safe and yet, I believe that from the passing of the Reform Bill one, by which to guide the policy of a great people. Utterly there has been more intervention than in the time of the and contemptuously to ignore the right and wrong of a dispute Tories. Let us, then, get to the sound principle, and then I between ourselves and another nation, even though they be a believe that the word "Stop," applied to Russia, would be as nation of savages, and to drown all appeals for justice in brutal conclusive as if we spoke with the voice of a thousand cannon.” and blustering vociferations of “Down with them," is not,

(unless the whole history of the world have been writ wrong,)

the way to contribute to national safety, any more than to THE KAFFIR WAR.

national honour. There are several things connected with the Kaffir War,

We do not offer these remarks to the gentlemen above on which all men are agreed. All agree that it is a disastrous alluded to. They are little likely to consult our pages; and if and disgraceful conflict

, from which, even on the ordinary they did, we should as soon think of casting pearls before selfish principles which govern men's estimate of such things, swine, as of talking to the writers in our public journals of neither honour nor advantage is to be gained. All agree that

the duty of forbearance and mercy-of the subduing power of it is the result of our own heinous mal-government. All agree

conciliation and kindness, and other principles which constitute that unless there is some change in the system of policy now

the germ and essence of practical Christianity. They systepursued, there is no rational prospect of its coming to a close matically sneer at these things as the mere drivellings of wellfor months, if not years to come; and all agree that the bill

meaning and imbecile visionaries. We can easily picture the of costs which will be presented to the English people for the

grim sardonic smile, which the very term “practical Christiwar, will be one of the most unsatisfactory that ever tried the anity," as thus applied to national affairs, would provoke on patience and patriotism of John Bull. But when the question the lips of these sarcastic sagesis asked, What is to be done ? there are two answers, which in

“One of those smiles by selfish worldlings worn, spirit and tendency are wide as the poles apart. The one is

To grace a lie, or laugh a truth to scorn. that given by the Colonial Office, by such of the colonists as are enraged at the losses they have suffered from the Kaffirs,

But we trust, notwithstanding, that there are not a few in by all military men from the necessary instinct of their

these realms, who will not suffer themselves to be fleered out education, and by many of our public writers, from their utter of their faith in the divine efficacy of the gospel, as the means and contemptuous disbelief in all high principles of national

of reclaiming and elevating humanity. We only wish they morality. The substance of this counsel is, "put them down,

would give utterance to it with a somewhat bolder front. crush them, if necessary annihilate them.The first thing that

One chief reason why the parties we have referred to assume one is struck with in reference to this remedy is, its avowed

such an air of triumphant insolence in sweeping aside all disregard of the merits of the point in dispute between us and

Christian ideas, when brought into the region of practical the Kaffirs. Those who advocate it say boldly that they do

politics, is the humble, apologetic, deprecatory tone adopted by not stop to enquire, who is in the wrong or who in the right.

Christians themselves in their advocacy. There are many Indeed most of them admit, with charming candour, that we

good men who would rather stifle their most cherished convicare in the wrong. The Examiner says, that “the Governor

tions of what is right, than run the risk of being laughed at

in the Times. has been acting on some African law of nations unknown to them, which was more than Kaffir flesh and blood could

“Strange that men’s zeal, that very fiery particle, endure.” The Morning Chronicle declares, that “if his Excel.

Should let itself be put out by an article. lency had set his wits to work to render the first approach of But surely that is not the way to gain ascendancy for our princivilization still more odious to a tribe of warlike barbarians ciples. No, we must act by them, as if we really believed them. than it was likely under any circumstances to be, he could not We must assume the daring of earnest men. We must proclaim have devised a more suitable system of administration than them from the house-top. We must convince the scoffers of all that which he established in Kaffraria.” The Times assures

grades that we duly appreciate their value, that we know us, “that to the mischievous meddling of Lord Grey, the perfectly well that in comparison with the unquenchable vitality outbreak of the Kaffirs is solely attributable." And we dare-say, of the great truths we possess, “ As the crackling of thorns all these great authorities would not hesitate to avow, with under a pot, so is the laughter of fools." the greatest nonchalance, that our career in South Africa has But, to pass from this part of the subject, there is another been one of incessant aggression upon the lands of the Kaffir, objection to the "crushing policy," which those who put it forinflicting upon them privations and sufferings of the most ward are more likely to understand, and that is, that no one terrible kind. What then? “Our country, right or wrong !" can see what is to be its ultimate issue. " There is but one

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course before us,” says the Times, “The Kaffirs must be better man than a heathen, and does not merely call himself subdued and brought to complete and permanent submission. better, and that British laws when faithfully administered are The most economic mode of proceeding will be to employ a better than Kaffir laws.” When Lord Glenelg was in office, force sufficient to bring about this result in one campaign.” an attempt was made under his auspices to act on such a system. But what then? Suppose this result were brought about. It was abundantly sneered at, at home, balked and frustrated Suppose them driven out of Kaffir-land as the game writer in every way by those among the colonists whose license of counsels. Suppose all their chiefs are compelled to surrender injustice and robbery it was meant to curb, and most grudgor to fly. In one word, suppose they are completely conquered, ingly and reluctantly administered by the officials. And yet how are they to be kept so? Why! if we are to believe the in the face of all this, it did succeed to a considerable extent. successive Governors at the Cape, they have been a!ready “ If we now find the Kaffirs a formidable and restless enemy," "brought into complete submission,” by the prowess of the says the Times, in commenting on the Meeting at the London British arms, four or five times. What is proposed to be done Tavern, “it is mainly because we, in deference to the friends of now that was not done then. Immense tracts of territory were Peace and of the aboriginal races, relaxed that rude and harsh taken from them then. Their villages were burnt, their cattle but effective system, by which their inroads were repelled and were stolen, their warriors were slaughtered, their chiefs were their depredations prevented." This assertion is made in the deposed, their women and children driven forth into the wil- teeth of all evidence. Why, there were three or four distinct derness to perish of famine then. What more can be done on Kaffir wars, provoked by " that rude and harsh but effective that system than has already been tried, unless you mean utterly system,before the other was attempted to be put in operation, to exterminate them ? Does this writer in the Times imagine while there was no war at all during the period when the latter that the violence and spoliation, which in times past have only was in operation. “In spite of much virulent and insidious produced a deep sense of injury and a smouldering desire for opposition,” remarks a gentleman who long resided at the Cape, revenge, will now suddenly reconcile the Kafsirs to our rule ? and in a high official capacity,“ this reform gave extensive and The reply will probably be :-“Having put them down by a daily increasing satisfaction, and the evidence is positive and stern example of severity, we must keep them down with a complete, as adduced on the most unsuspecting authority, that strong hand.” But how is this to be done? It is clear that the it produced a material improvement in the habits of the Kaflirs. further we drive them back and the more of their territory we It was based on the principle of recognising the rights of seize, the more we expose ourselves to attack, by enlarging our coloured people.” But we cannot do better than let Mr. frontier. “I calculate," says Sir W. Molesworth, in his speech Chamerovzow speak on this point, who has written a very in April last, "that on the frontier of our empire in South able and spirited letter to the Times, from which we subjoin Africa, as extended by Sir H. Smith, there is a line of 1000 the following extracts. After referring to a large number of miles, exposed to the attacks of savages of the same blood as passages in the blue books, which prove that the Glenelg system the Kaffirs, and as fierce, warlike, and energetic.

As had not failed, he proceedsyet we have fought only with the Kaffirs along a line of 200 miles; but the same causes which gave birth to wars with " These extend over a period of six years, commencing in 1833, the Kaffirs are coming into operation along the whole line of

and ending in 18H. But, previously to Sir George Napier's arrival this frontier of 1000 miles, and are likely, in course of time,

on the Kiffir frontier, in April of the year 1838, the Glenelg system to embroil us with all the native tribes I have mentioned. I

had been in operation, even under Sir Benjamin D'Urban's own

administration, from the 13th of October, 1836, or very shortly dare not attempt to calculate what it would cost us to defend after. It differed from the D’Urban system, in that it was not this frontier with regular troops, in the same manner as we ba ed upon martial law and the cat-o'-nine tails, upon commandoes have defended the north-eastern frontier of the Cape of Good and armed patrols, with power to punish without reference to guilt; Hope. To defend these 200 miles, we have spent of late years,

and in that it preserved the authority of the chiefs without in the not less than £600,000 annually. From these data, honourable

least diminishing our influence over them. It may have been a gentlemen may calculate what the defence of 1000 miles would

“soothing system ;” it had its defects, no doubt, and many and cost.” Here is a nice prospect then before the gentlemen of

glaring were they ; but it must be borne in mind that it was never

established in its integrity, and that it had to encounter the preju“the strong hand.” If it be true, that “to the mind of a dices and the opposition of parties who were powerful in office, and savage, no motive to moderation is conceivable except fear," were wedded to the opposite policy. It has never been inaintained and if we are to govern in South Africa on this mild and that it succeeded in putting an entire stop to Kaffir depredations, Christian principle, we may indeed well prepare ourselves, as

still less that it satisfied the colonists of the eastern districts, whose one of the speakers at the London Tavern Meeting said, to

idle and malicious rumours, false charges, and unfounded clamour have our income tax soon doubled.

were so completely exposed and triumphantly refuted by the

Secretary to Government and the Attorney-General at the Cape in There is, however, another method of treatment, which some 1815 (blue-book, February 1847, p. 9 to 19), in language as eloquent in this country are not afraid or ashamed to urge on the atten

as it was forcible. What is asserted is simply that, under all the tion of the government, as the best remedy against the recur- disadvantages of its administration, in spite of its defects in many rence of these ignoble disasters, and that is to deal with the particulars, and notwithstanding the extraordinary difficulties Kaffirs as human beings who have as distinct a sense of right attendant upon its introduction under singularly unfavourable and wrong as we have, who can as keenly appreciate the one

auspices, it was not only successful, but far more so than could have and as sternly resent the other, who are capable of feeling love,

been anticipated: Even so late as 1844, Sir Peregrine Maitland, gratitude and admiration, as well as fear, and who may be

who was no admirer of it, found it difficult to substitute a better

modified, as it had been, by Sir George Napier and himself—and raised, into civilized and orderly communities, as

durst not recommend a return to the former, but attempted a British and Saxon forefathers were raised from as savage a middle course, which subsequently had a disastrous issue in the condition by the gradual improvement of their social state--by sanguinary and expensive war of 1846 and 1847. And why? the just administration of law-by the introduction among them Because he re-introduced the most veratious features of the D'Urban of the arts of peace--by association with a more enlightened

system--coercion and military law, with fort-building and other people, treating them not as "wolves,” but as men—by examples

warlike demonstrations on the frontier. Yet it is notorious—that of rigid adherence to truth and justice in our own conduct--and

is, if the blue-books contain a truthful version of opinions purportabove all, by the mighty and sanctifying power of Christianity,

ing to come from competent men—it is notorious that, above all

things, it was urged by the frontier officials, themselves military not only preached but

practised among them, so as to convince officers, that nothing would be more surely disastrous than such dethem, as Sir Andries Stockenstrom says, “that a Christian is a monstrations. Even Sir Harry Smith himself (then only Colonel

our own

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Smith), addressing Sir Benjamin D'Urban, on the 12th of July, who has attained to the maturity of his reason. No one in 1836, with reference to “the most salutary and efficacious system his sober senses will undertake to say, that a field of battle, or to be adopted towards the border tribes, closes his letter with this

a sacked city, filled with heaps of blackened and putrefying remarkable passage :—“All depends upon the main-spring, the chief magistrate, the superintendent of police, and the non-interfe

corpses, polluting the air with pestilence, is a really glorious rence of the military. The latter is the thing, of all others, to re

spectacle. Will any body even assert that the sight of civianimate every feeling of animosity and hostility in the minds of the

lized and Christian nations, covered with humiliation and Kaffirs.” (Return, Kaffir War, No. 503, July 12, 1837, p. 265.) shame, exhausted and distressed by our means, and for our

aggrandisement their resources drained, their commerce “With regard to the D’Urban system, it would be no difficult ruined, their highest authorities subdued and degraded—is one matter for me to point out passages where those who administered over which a man of true nobleness and generosity of soul condemned it. It was condemned by the judges at Cape Town on

would gloat and exult? And yet these are really the materials account of its inherent vice (martial law), without which it could not be administered, and with which it was pregnant with mischief

out of which military glory is formed. and disaster.

But there is an obverse side of this counterfeit and immoral It was condemned by Lieutenant Governor Hare, Mr. Stretch, Colonel Somerset, and other frontier officials, by the

'glory,” even for those who have most selfishly revelled in its reports they sent in of Kaffir depredations during the time it was

baleful blaze. We fear it must be admitted that our French in force. But, above all, it was condemned by Lord Jolin Russell, neighbours, more than any people in modern history, have on the 15th of April last, in the course of the debate on Mr. suffered themselves to be dazzled by this delusive light. When Adderley's motion for a commission of inquiry. On that occasion,

they saw the flaming banners of Napoleon heralding him onon moving his amendment for the appointment of a select committee, his Lordship, while supporting the policy which had been

ward to an unbroken succession of victories, and waving in pursued by Sir Harry Smith, as being that sanctioned by Govern

triumph over every capital on the continent of Europe; when ment and by the high authority of Sir Benjamin D'Urban,

they saw ancient dynasties overthrown, and driven into exile nevertheless acknowledged that it had caused the great military

before the face of the invader ; when they saw kings bending movements of 1834-5, 1846-7, 1850-1, and all the expenses entailed at his feet to beg back their crowns, and peoples crushed to the by them." If the Glenelg system was a failure, it failed in more dust beneath his usurping sway; when they saw dignities senses than one, for it certainly failed in bringing on the disastrous insulted, nationalities destroyed, cities plundered of their most wars which have been, and will have to be, paid for out of the British Exchequer.”

treasured ornaments, and humanity itself humiliated before that insolent and imperious will, we fear they thought little of

the gross immorality of these conquests, or the enormous THE HERALD OF PEACE,

amount of misery by which they were purchased. They

thought only of the glory which accrued to France. But a LONDON, DECEMBER 1st, 1851,

bitter retribution was in store for them. We say this in no spirit of insulting exultation or gratified revenge. Any other

people in Europe, at that era of the world's history, would THE OBVERSE SIDE OF MILITARY GLORY.

have been no less prepared to follow in the wake of so dazzling Those who have watched the earliest perceptions of children, an apparition, had he appeared among them. But we advert know how deeply they are captivated by objects that have a to the humiliation that succeeded that brief national delirium, brilliant and dazzling surface. Whatever is indued in splendid on account of its universal significance and warning. It has colours, or sends forth a sparkling and lustrous light, rivets been recently painted in faithful colours, but in a spirit of the their gaze with an irresistible fascination, while smiles and truest patriotism, by one of the most loyal and illustrious of exclamations of wonder, and clapping of little hands, reveal her sons. M. de Lamartine, in his History of the Restoration the uncontrollable ecstacy of their delight. Theirs is a purely

of the Monarchy in France. When the citizens of Paris saw sensuous pleasure. They have no question to ask as to the 250,000 foreign troops march into their beautiful capital, with value, or the utility, or the safety, of what thus enchants their drums beating and colours flying; when they saw Austrian eye. It may be the tawdry tinsel that gilds a harlequin's and Prussian regiments tramp in triumph along the Bouledress. It may be the shining polish of some keen-edged in- vards; when they saw the half-barbarian Cossacks of Tartary strument, or the glittering and perilous brilliancy of some encamp in the Champs Elyseés ; when they saw their own explosive preparation, that might blast and consume them in

government prostrate at the feet of the Emperor of Russia ; a moment. It does not signify. Bewitched by the outward when they saw the future destinies of their country decided by effulgence, which dazes their vision, their instinct is to follow the dictation of foreign despots, while the whole country after it, to touch it, to gaze at it, with unsated admiration

looked on in impotent stupor and amazement, then it was that and delight.

they saw—THE OBVERSE SIDE OF MILITARY GLORY. In this, as in so many other respects, men are but children

But this was not all. When that splendid imposture with of a larger growth.” IIow, for instance, can we account for the which Napoleon had so long beguiled the national spirit had intoxicating influence of military glory, to mislead entire com- once exploded, and they had leisure to withdraw their eyes munities of men, in despite of their reason and conscience, from the startling and stupendous drama, which he had been except on the assumption that humanity is still in its child.

enacting before the face of Europe for the glory of France, and hood? No one will pretend that the mere animal courage, to examine at what a cost it had been sustained, and how it which a soldier partakes in common with a bull-dog, is a high fared with them in the meanwhile at home, the sight that or ennobling quality. No one will deliberately maintain that met their gaze was dismal in the last degree. We cannot prethe character of a hero, whose main ambition is to have his

sent this picture to our readers in a more impressive form, own name blazoned for a few years of unblessed notoriety, for than by citing the following proclamation, issued by the the gaping bewilderment of the world, is invested with much Municipal Council of Paris, after the entrance of the allied moral dignity. No one will gravely affirm that the showy armies into that city. It is the eloquent cry of agony and material pageantry, the sounds of martial music, and the gleam

resentment long pent up by fear, escaping at length from the of polished armour, and the waving of gorgeous banners, and heart of a nation, enthralled by the spell of military glory, no less the display of brilliant uniforms, and the prancing of finely- than oppressed by the iron weight of a military despotism :caparisoned horses, and all the other glittering tinsel which

“INHABITANTS of Paris !-Your magistrates would be traitors constitute “the pride, pomp and circumstance” of war, are towards you and our country, if, by vile personal considerations, things which ought to transport into rapture any human being they any longer repressed the voice of their conscience. It cries


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