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heard to speak of it, who make no particular pretensions to religion : noticing a perceptible change for the worse, even at short intervals: intervals, for example, of a very few years.-A general expectation, in the minds of men, of great changes or disorders. This there was in France this we have now in England.-A high notion of some great improvement to be effected by intellect, the progress of illumination, and the powers of the human mind. Here the only difference seems to be, that the idol of the French was Reason, while with us it is rather Science. - A fond persuasion of some extraordinary, self-expansive_faculty in human nature, to improve, advance, and perfect itself : madly entertained, both in France and here, under the sense and experience of human miseries, pressing upon society with extraordinary severity, and with no power in society to alleviate or remove them.Impurity, blasphemy, and infidelity. Here we are following close in the steps of France. These abominations, hypocritically and most scandalously tolerated by the government of the country: the government hereby permitting the open dishonour of Almighty God, and so bereaving itself of all hope of help from God, when the time of its trouble and terror shall come. Here, I fear, our rulers are going in the same course, and preparing for themselves judgments of the same kind (lighter or heavier, as the case may be) with those of France.Much latent ferocity-the offspring of the impurity and blasphemy thus tolerated-gathering itself up in silence for deeds of blood, if ever the time of its letting loose shall come. In France it did come; and it may come, here.-Rancour against existing institutions; with a persuasion that some great, though not very clearly defined benefit, will arise from overturning them. This spirit in France, cast down the altar and the throne. Here, it has no meaner objects.-Changes of various kinds, under the professed design of remedying abuses, removing evils of long standing, correcting antiquated and absurd principles, introducing a more liberal system: these changes succeeding one another with great rapidity, in the way of hasty experiment, without due deliberation, to mark their effect. Here, perhaps, we have in many things already outdone revolutionary France.

Having noticed the points of comparison, let us now mention those of contrast. For the circumstances of the two countries differ, in many respects: and where there is an analogy, there is not always a perfect likeness. First, then, there is a difference in this respect : that Popery, with us, is not yet the religion of the state. The French Revolution may in a great measure be regarded as a visitation upon this religion and its followers. Should the religion, therefore, here after, be established amongst us, it will constitute a point of correspondence, as appalling as can be well imagined.-There is a difference also, with respect to public abuses. There are many amongst us; as there were, before the revolution, in France. But it may be hoped, that these are not, on the whole, so bad amongst us, as they were in France at that period.--Then, also, with regard to the Court and Royal Family. These, in England, have not lost the respect of the country,

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as they had in France. With regard to our king, the nation, besides being much more loyal by disposition than ever the French were, respects his personal character.--Let me mention one other point of difference. Amongst us, there is a new element at work: one which did not operate in France. Revolution is proceeding amongst us. But religion also is proceeding amongst us. Depend upon it, the progress of the Gospel in this land, at the present time, is great, though unseen. There was such a thing, in France also, as religion, before the revolution. And if some French Protestant would collect, ere it be too late, and the memorials be lost, the annals of martyrdom which the period of the revolution comprises, he would illustrate a most interesting juncture in the history of the church of Christ. In France, however, religion was not generally influential, as it now is in England and here lies the most important distinction of any.

"You say the revolution has begun in this country. Tell us how it will end."

I will endeavour to tell you some of the ways in which, humanly speaking, it may end: ever bearing in mind, that the actual disposal of events belongs to God, who is over all, and orders all.

It may end, then, like the revolution in France, in scenes of actual violence, horror, and anguish. Many things are ripe for this: our national sins have richly deserved such a visitation: and we might see, amongst ourselves, all that was most terrible in the French Revolution, in a very few months from this time.

It may take a more quiet and malignant turn, and go on to scenes of subdued ferocity. Where there was bloodshed amongst the French, amongst us there may be proscriptions, expulsion from property and from rights by mock-legal or mock-constitutional processes, the humiliation of the proud and wealthy, the reduction of families from competency to beggary, and thus general bankruptcy, confusion, anguish, and despair; yet with some appearance of order, and without any actual dissolution of the fabric of society. This order of things, however, might at any time change to the former and more violent, at á very short notice, or with no notice whatever.

Or, the good principle may enter into conflict with the evil; may resist it, put it down, and keep it down: nay, should anarchy for a while prevail, may, after a sharp struggle, shortly gain the ascendancy, and completely triumph; and the blessing of God may deliver the country, from the horrors, even when begun, of anarchy or bloodshed.

Or, the evil may be completely overruled, so as to go no further, or very little further, than it has already proceeded. The Lord can at any time say with power, to the gathering storm, Peace, be still.

Perhaps the worst issue of all would be, if things should continue to go on, in appearance, much as they now are. I mean, if aspiring Popery should gain its ends, and at the close of six months or a twelvemonth it should be said; See, all that you dreaded to concede has been granted: yet all things continue much as they were before: and none of the mischiefs which you predicted have arisen. This

would only shew, that the evil was burowning deep; and horrors so much the darker and more dreadful, might be expected in the end.

One thing only let me add: that all the calamities which the revolution brought upon France, came upon it as a judgment: a judgment for idolatry; a judgment for irreligion, blasphemy, and infidelity; a judgment for gross impurity; a judgment for general corruption and licentiousness. Let England take warning and repent, though the warning comes to her from

A BIGOT.

THE BIGOT.-NO. IV.

Petitions, a few Sketches.

Not having yet petitioned in my own person, for reasons which will presently appear, I here offer a few sketches, or mere hints of petitions, for others. Form has not been strictly attended to, and any thing defective in this respect may be amended.

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That we, the Nation, gave to your Majesty the sovereignty of these realms, by the same acts and constitutions, which exclude Papists from all political power therein.

That we, the Nation, therefore, beseech your Majesty to counte nance no acts of the legislature, by which such political power shall be granted.

That we, the Nation, beseech your Majesty to be mindful of your Majesty's coronation oath; and to keep it, in the sense in which it was both administered and taken.

That we, the Nation, have been led to think, that undue means have been employed to influence your Majesty's mind, upon these subjects. That we, the Nation, entertaining a strong and devoted attachment to your Majesty's sacred person, and a high esteem, affection, and reverence, for your Majesty's character, have hearts willing, and hands ready, to support your Majesty's honour and shall rejoice in sacrificing our substance and our lives, to maintain your Majesty in abiding by the national compact, against all enemies, foreign and domestic. To the Right Honourable, &c.

The Petition of the Jewish Nation

Humbly sheweth:

That when our Nation was delivered from bondage in Egypt, it was especially commissioned by the Lord, and employed by Him in the land of Canaan, to put down idolatry, by fire and sword.

That we expect to be employed, for a similar purpose, the second time.

That we expect to be employed, at the same period, to punish those nations that have oppressed us, while under the wrath of God for our transgressions.

That Rome is both Babylon and Edom: having long been both

idolatrous, and towards our nation oppressive and cruel; and continuing so unto this day.

That therefore, seeking the peace of a country, in which we have peace, and enjoy many privileges, we charge and exhort the rulers of the land shadowing with wings, that sendeth messengers of the Gospel by the sea, and paper vessels bearing the same message upon the face of the waters, to be separate from Rome, lest they be consumed in the destruction thereof. And your Petitioners, &c.

To the Right Honourable, &c.

The Petition of A BIGOT

Humbly sheweth:

That, amongst the numerous petitions addressed of late to your Right Honourable House, your petitioner has seen none, that he could sign, which satisfied him and that, consequently, during the present session of your Right Honourable House, he has not hitherto approached your Right Honourable House with any petition.

That if your petitioner were now to address your Right Honourable House, with a petition fully expressive of his sentiments concerning your Right Honourable House, in all probability your petitioner would not be able to find any one bold enough to present it: that however, if it were presented, your Right Honourable House would probably visit your petitioner with its high displeasure; or, at any rate, would refuse to receive the said petition.

That under these circumstances your petitioner contents himself with praying, that your Right Honourable House will render to the voice of the country its due respect--will maintain the honour of the sovereign-will guard the succession-will expel the present ministers of the Crown from office-will avert the horrors of anarchy-will redeem your Right Honourable House's character with the nationwill, as far as lies in your Right Honourable House's power, settle the Catholic question-will maintain the Christian religion-and, as individuals, will keep your oaths-by unanimously rejecting the proposed measure of Catholic emancipation.

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Humbly sheweth:

A Bigot.

That the interests of your petitioners, and those of the Papacy, are diametrically opposite.

That the interests of your petitioners are very inadequately represented in your Right Honourable House; and, in the House of Commons, not at all.

That your petitioners appeal, therefore, to the justice of your Right Honourable House, not to pass any law, which shall admit a full representation of the Papal interests, both in your Right Honourable House and in the House of Commons.

And your petitioners, &c.

If space would allow, I should be disposed to add one real petition— namely, that of " the Minister, Elders, Deacons, and People, assembling themselves for the worship of God, in the National Scotch Church, Regent Square, London:" the reading of which, for a moment, made the Bigot wish himself a member of the Kirk, to sign it. The feeling however, being liberal, was soon stifled.-That petition I would advise all, who are able, to procure and read, for it sums up the subject*. As for myself, I am still an Episcopalian, a Churchman, and

* We add the petition referred to above.—

A BIGOT.

"The Petition of the Minister, Elders, Deacons," &c. &c.

"Humbly sheweth :

"That it is the fundamental principle of all Christian government, as well as of all Christian subjection, that the Lord Jesus Christ is the fountain from which all power proceedeth, and the authority to which all power is responsible. "That whenever the king, and the estates of a kingdom, do establish the Christian church over their dominions, they solemnly assent to this great article of the Christian faith, and become indissolubly engaged before God, to govern for the honour and glory of Christ, against all who set themselves in opposition to, or usurp any of, his Divine prerogatives.

"That your Petitioners regard the Pope of Rome, with all that system of which he is the head, as having been, as still being, and to the end appointed to be, the great enemy both of the church and of the state; through whose diabolical artifice in times past the rights of Christ as universal bishop, and the rights of all the ministers of the churches under Christ, have been usurped; by whom also the rights of Christ as the only superior of kings, and the rights of kings, Christ's vicegerents, have been trampled under foot; who hath taken to himself every title and prerogative which pertaineth to Almighty God; and is therefore an object the most detestable to all pious and religious Christians, to all loyal and dutiful subjects of the king.

"That your petitioners had thought the question of his interference, or the interference of his creatures, in the affairs of this kingdom, for ever set at rest, by that solemn and severe interdict which the laws of this realm have imposed upon all communications whatever with him, or with any of his ostensible agents; insomuch, that of all men, and of all systems upon the earth, the Pope of Rome and his system is the only one with which no servant of the Crown dares, on the highest penalties, to hold a correspondence.

"That your petitioners believe the Romish priesthood of these realms to be an integrant part of the Papal system; and, therefore, those who cleave to them absolutely prohibited by the constitution of this kingdom from holding, or aspiring to hold, any place in the administration thereof; and they regard, with fear and trembling, the advances which have been made in late years towards an amalgamation with the Papal priesthood and people of Ireland. They grieve over the grants of public money which have been made to the College of Maynooth; the appointing, by authority, of Papal chaplains over prisons; and other things of the like kind; which go to acknowledge the Papal system, which ought to be the shame and abhorrence of this Protestant country.

"That yet your petitioners are much afflicted with the condition of Ireland, which they attribute to the gross ignorance, superstition, and idolatry of the people; and to the obstinate resolution of the Papal priesthood to prevent the circulation and reading and preaching of God's word; and also, in no small degree, to the remissness of her Established Church, from the Reformation until

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