upon the pleasure I expect from your future eminence. You are now tinctured with universal history, and are thoroughly conversant with that of Greece and Rome; but there is another depart ment of history still remaining, and that much more important than any I have yet mentioned: I mean the history of England. The history of this country is the proper study of an Englishman; however, it peculiarly concerns those who may, like you, one day have such an important character to support in its administration, and whose own name, perhaps, may find a place in the historic page. All who are enamored of the liberty and the happiness which they peculiarly enjoy in this happy region, must surely be desirous of knowing the methods by which such advantages were acquired; the progressive steps from barbarity to social refinement, from society to the highest pitch of well constituted freedom. All Europe stands in astonishment at the wisdom of our constitution, and it would argue the highest degree of insensibility in a native of this country, and one, too, who from his birth enjoys peculiar privileges, to be ignorant of what others so much admire.

I shall not insist upon a principal use to which some apply the English history, I mean that of making it the topic of common conversation; yet, even from such a motive, though in itself trifling, no well-bred man can plead ignorance. Its greatest advantage, however, is, that a knowledge of the past enables the attentive mind to understand the present: our laws and customs, our liberties and abuse of liberty, can scarcely be understood without tracing them to their source, and history is the only channel by which we can arrive at what we so eagerly pursue.

But, were I to compare the history of our own country, in point of amusement, with that of others, I know of none, either ancient or modern, that can vie with it in this respect. In other histories, remote and extensive connections interrupt the reader's

interest, and destroy the simplicity of the plan. The history of Greece may be easily divided into seven histories, and into so many it has actually been divided: the history of Rome, from the time it begins to be authentic, is little else than an account of the then known world; but, in England, separated by its situation, from the continent, the reader may consider the whole narrative, with all its vicissitudes, in one point of view; it unites the philosopher's* definition of beauty, by being variously uniform.

The simplicity in a history of our own country is therefore excellent; but I can direct to few who have improved the materials it affords with a proper degree of assiduity or skill. The historians who have treated of this subject have in general written for a party; many with an open avowal of their abuse. Sone, who have had talents for this undertaking, were unable to afford themselves sufficient leisure to polish their work into the degree of requisite perfection; while others, who have labored with sufficient assiduity, have been wofully deficient in point of sagacity, or proper skill in the choice of those facts they thought proper to relate. Whatever has been known, and not what was worth knowing, has been faithfully transcribed; so that the present accounts of the country resemble the ancient face of the soil: here an uncultivated forest, there a desolate wild; and in a very few places, a spot of earth adorned by art, and smiling with all the luxuriance of nature. To make history, like the soil, truly useful, the obstacles to improvement must be torn away, new assistances must be acquired from art; nor can the work be deemed properly finished, till the whole puts on simplicity, uniformity, and elegance. As the case is at present, we must read a library to acquire a knowledge of English history, and, after all, be contented to forget more than we remember.

* Hutcheson.

The history of England may be divided, properly enough, into three periods; very different, indeed, with regard to their duration, but almost of equal importance. The first is from the commencement of our knowledge of the country to its conquest by the Normans; the second, from the time of William the Conqueror to the alteration of the constitution, by the beheading of Charles I.; the last contains the remaining period of our history. It will at once appear, that such a division is extremely unequal: the first department may be said to extend to a period of more than a thousand years; the second contains not less than seven hundred, while the remaining does not take up two. Chronologists, indeed, would divide it in a very different manner; however, I am rather inclined to this division, more by the peculiar use which may be made of each period, than the mere regularity of time. To consider the first part with accuracy, belongs properly to the philosopher; the second is the business of him who would understand our constitution, and is the proper study of a legislator; and the last, of such as would be acquainted with the connections and relations in which we stand with regard to our neighbors of the continent, and our foreign and domestic trade; that is, in other words, to the merchant and politician.

There is scarcely any other passion but that of curiosity, excited by a knowledge of the early part of our history. We may go through the accounts of that distant era with the same impartiality with which we consider the original inhabitants of any other country, as the customs of our British ancestors have scarcely any connection with our own; but then, to some minds, it must be a pleasing disquisition to observe the human animal, by degrees divesting himself of his native ferocity, and acquiring the arts of happiness and peace; to trace the steps by which he leaves his precarious meal, acquired by the chase, for a more certain but a more laboriDus repast, acquired first by pasturage, then by cultivation.

After the Conquest, the rude outlines of our present constitution began to be formed. Before the Norman invasion, there might be some customs resembling those at present in practice; but the only reason of their continuance was, because they had before been practised in common among the invaders. At this period, therefore, an Englishman becomes interested in the narrative; he perceives the rise and the reasons of several laws which now serve to restrain his conduct or preserve his property. The rights of our monarchs, the claims of foreign potentates, the inef fectual struggles for liberty, and the gradual encroachments of ambition, these highly interest him, as he in some measure owes to these transactions the happiness he enjoys.

But the last period is what is chiefly incumbent upon almost every man to be particularly conversant in. Every person residing here, has a share in the liberties of this kingdom; as the generality of the people are ultimately invested with the legislation. It is, therefore, every man's duty to know that constitution, which, by his birthright, he is called to govern; a freeholder, in a free kingdom, should certainly be instructed in the original of that agreement by which he holds so precious a tenure.

These motives equally influence almost every rank of people; but how much more forcibly should they operate upon you, whose honors, whose trusts and possessions, are likely to be so considerable. Others may have their liberties to support; you must sustain your liberty, your property, and the dignity of your station. I shall therefore, without further preface, in some future correspondence, communicate the result of my inquiries on this subject; a subject which, I own, has employed all the leisure I had to spare from, I will not say more important, but more necessary duties. I shall endeavor, at once, to supply the facts, and the necessary consequences that may be deduced from them. I shall separate all that can contribute nothing either to amusement or use, and

leave such to dull compilers or systematic writers of history, whose only boast is, to leave nothing out. A more thorough knowledge of the subject cannot be communicated without pain, nor acquired without study; perhaps too minute a skill in this, or any one subject, might disqualify the mind for other branches of science, equally demanding our care. Of whatever use it may be, I hope you will consider it as an instance of my regard, though it should fail to add to your opinion of my sagacity.

PREFACE.

ΤΟ

"A COLLECTION OF POEMS FOR YOUNG LADIES, IN THREE PARTS; DEVOTIONAL, MORAL, AND ENTERTAINING: THE WHOLE BEING A COLLECTION OF THE BEST PIECES IN OUR LANGUAGE.*

DR. FORDYCE's excellent Sermons for Young Women, in some measure gave rise to the following compilation. In that work, where he so judiciously points out all the defects of female conduct, to remedy them, and all the proper studies which they should pursue, with a view to improvement, poetry is one to which he particularly would attach them. He only objects to the danger of pursuing this charming study through all the immoralities and false pictures of happiness with which it abounds, and thus bocoming the martyr of innocent curiosity.

In the following compilation, care has been taken to select, not only such pieces as innocence may read without a blush, but such as will even tend to strengthen that innocence. In this little work, a lady may find the most exquisite pleasure, while she is at the same time learning the duties of life; and, while she

* [Goldsmith's name was withheld from this Collection at the period of its publication, in 1776, but was added in a s bsequent edition. See Life, ch. xvi.]