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will never be forgotten. Sigismund III., of Poland, was himself a Jesuit. They were expelled from Abyssinia because, as the decree states, "they meddled with affairs of state." In Japan, whence they were banished, in 1587, they were accused by the Emperor, that "under pretence of teaching the way of salvation, they had united.his subjects against himself, and taught them treason instead of religion:" and Collado says, that "the consequence of their conduct, in Japan, was that Christianity itself was abolished there, as well as an order which gave such a distorted view of it." (P. 18.)

"It is stated in the edict for their banishment from Bohemia, in 1618, that they had incited assassins to murder kings, interfered with affairs of state, and been the authors of all the miseries of Bohemia,” Indeed the severe persecution raised by them against the Protestants at Prague hardly yields to any single persecution of paganism, and it was merely to obtain the property of its victims. The proclamation of the Duchy of Bouillon, in the Low Countries, may also be consulted, as well as that of Brabant. (P. 19.)

"I would next advert to their infamous practices in attempting the lives of sovereigns hostile to their views. The reign of Queen Elizabeth affords a succession of their plots: Parsons and Campion, the Jesuits first stirred up sedition and revolt. The latter, with Sherwin and Bryant, were convicted on the clearest evidence in 1581,” (P. 22.)

"On the 18th Oct. 1591, Elizabeth published her famous declaration against the Jesuits, in which after describing at length the designs of Spain and Rome, she says that she has "the most undoubted infor mation that the Jesuits form the nests and lurking places of those who are in rebellion against her person and government; that their General had himself been to Spain and armed its King against her, that Parsons who taught among them and was the General of the English seminary at Rome had done the same, and that the Jesuits, as a Society, had been the life and soul of the armies which had been raised against England. (P. 23.).

In a memorial presented to the Pope in this reign, and preserved by De Thou, it is said that "their political ambition had set a price upon kingdoms, and put up crowns to sale, that they had libelled the magistracy, written seditious letters, and published many volumes. against the legitimate succession of the throne.

"Lucius enumerates five separate conspiracies of the Jesuits against James L. before he had reigned a year; and the King in his own proclamation of 22d February, 1604, does the same, and names the. Jesuits who fomented them.


"That the Jesuits were the soul of the Gunpowder Plot no man can doubt, who consults either the "Actio in proditores drawn up by our own Judges, the "State Trials" of that time, the history of De Thou, or the Jesuites criminels de Leze Majesté." (P: 24, 25,)

In this pestilent school," says the University of Paris, "the three assassins who attempted the life of Henry IV,, viz. Barriere, Chastel, and Ravaillac, were trained, all of whom had been previously in.

structed by the Jesuits, Varade, Gueret, Guignard, and D'Aubigny." (P. 29.)

After this hurried sketch of the principles and actions of the Order, we will sum up the evidence which has been adduced.

In the first place it appears unquestionable, that the main principles and regulations of Jesuitism are such as to threaten the most tremendous consequences to all but those who are marshalled in its ranks.

In the next place, the practical result of its principles are such as to show, that the system did not ally with these mischievous principles any others calculated to control or to correct their operation. In many instances, although the main principles of a sect or party be bad, they are qualified by others less demonstrated, which work with a silent efficacy; and we consequently discover the practice of the men to be better than their creed. But if we are to judge of Jesuitism from its practical results, no such counteracting ingredients are found in its constitution—it is pure, unmixed, unmitigated evil.

Thirdly, it appears that the opposition to Jesuitism has not been confined to Protestant sovereigns or churchmen; not to heretics or Dominicans; not to orders whom the Jesuits had tried to supplant, or to sects whom they had endeavoured to destroy; but, during the comparatively short period of its existence, there is scarcely a respectable body of Catholic divines, and scarcely a judicious monarch of a Catholic country, who has not protested against its principles and its practice. Nor are these their only accusers. In the whole history of man, perhaps, it would be difficult to select a body more upright, more learned, more candid, more disposed to maintain what they deemed right in religion and morality, than the chambers and parliaments of Paris; and yet these have been the indignant, unchanging, unwearied enemies to Jesuitisin. Should the Jesuits disclaim their authority, as that of men secularized by their employments, and inclined to sacrifice religion to worldly policy; and require us to produce some able, unbiassed, and devout advocate of the Church of Rome, who was at the same time their enemy, we would name, not one but many-the College of Port Royal, probably a body of as able, disinterested, and devout men, as were ever collected, at one moment, in the bosom of a single church. If the good fathers still insist upon a single name, we, without hesitation, give the name of Pascal-of a man whose genius, integrity, and piety, it is impossible to estimate too highly. The Provincial Letters of that great man are probably the finest specimen of controversial writing in existence. All that is great is allied in its pages to all that is beautiful. The Jesuits bowed before the

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terrors of its arguments as soon as it appeared. And D'Alembert states that it at once seemed to fix the standard of the French language; for, during the century which followed, not one of its words became obsolete. It equally fascinated the high and the low. When the greatest general of the age was asked what entertainment should be provided for him during a short visit he was to make in the country, his answer was, The Provincial Letters.' Every mechanic in Paris had committed parts of them to memory. The only imputation upon the piety of Pascal is his almost superstitious reverence for the Church of Rome; a superstition which nothing but the crimes of the Je suits had power to suspend for a moment-a superstition which must have disposed him to favour the Jesuits, the sworn champions of papacy, if his religion had not been too strong for his superstition. These celebrated letters are probably in the library of most of our readers; and those that read them with the attention they deserve, will need none of our assistance to bring before their minds the monstrous mischief of Jesuitism,

But, lastly, the sentence against Jesuitism has been pronounced not merely by fallible men, however great, and wise, and good, but by an infallible judge-the Pope himself.

Such being the evidence against Jesuitism, we shall exercise our right of reply when we have heard the testimony in its favour; and what are the grounds on which the present Pope presumes to put this insult upon one of his infallible predecessors; upon the decisions of monarchs, divines, philosophers, and statesmen; and to endeavour to restore a system at which humanity turns pale.

The present age is too wise and tolerant to expect complete unity of opinion in religion; and even those men who may indulge themselves in this amiable but chimerical expectation, are, in the main, persuaded, that compulsory measures would not tend to the accomplishment of these hopes. We are convinced, that there are few of the strongest Antipapists in this country who expect any speedy extinction of popery among us; and still fewer who would use violence to promote it. What then is

our hope?-That by the gradual increase of light and philosophy; by a fuller development of the evils of superstition; by the progress of a spirit of inquiry among the poor; by the extensive circulation of that book which the old Papists criminally withheld from the hands of the community; by the increase of a spirit of sincere, simple, and spiritual religion; and especially by the more copious effusion of the Spirit of God, the bleak and blasted summit of popery will gradually clothe itself with the effulgence of truth. The end then, as far as respects the Papists, for which we think ourselves called upon most assi

duously to labour, is the improvement of the character of popery. Against every measure which is calculated to chain it down to its old errors of faith and practice, to check it in the march of improvement, we think it right to protest, both out of charity to the Papists, and out of regard to ourselves. And such a measure is the restoration of Jesuitism. What is the assistance which this detestable system is likely to lend to Popery? Where a Catholic is next in succession to a Protestant monarch, it may, indeed open with a dagger a way to the throne. It may, by the republication of casuistical volumes, endeavour to sap the foundation of morals in the minds of its adherents. It may legalize rebellion, and sanctify assassination. But will all this help popery, even in the way the Pope seems most anxious for help, viz. in the extension of its dominion and multiplication of its adherents? Is it the temper of the age to be poniarded into orthodoxy? And still less, if we refer to the assistance which every honest mind would wish to be rendered to popery, viz. the improvement of the religion itself, can any thing be hoped from its confederation with Jesuitism? It is already one of the worst properties of popery, that it has no natural tendency to improve; that it evidently stands still in the career of ages; that whilst other orbs are brightening more and more unto the perfect day, it remains the same cheerless, changeless, and opake spot on the face of an illuminated sky. Nothing is wanted but Jesuitism in alliance with it to fix its doom, and eternize its degradation,

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1. PAPERS, showing the present State of the SLAVE TRADE, presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, April, 1815.

2. Abregé des Preuves données devant un Comité de la Chambre des Communes de la Grande Bretagne en 1790 et 1791, en Faveur de l'Abolition de la Traite de Negres. Traduit de l'Anglois par Jean de Carro, Docteur en Medicine des Universités. d'Edimbourg et de Vienne. Vienne, 1814, de l'Imprimerie d'Antoine Strauss.

Or all the negotiations in which our government has been engaged during the last two or three years, to their own credit, and for their country's glory, those contained in the Papers be

fore us give place to none in interest and importance. We can feel with those who are the most grateful for the naval, military, and political superiority displayed by our favoured land in the community of nations among which it moves. Yet we hesitate not to declare, that the moral superiority displayed in the Papers before us, and in the proceedings of which they are the consequence, form, in our minds, a more lasting evidence of true glory, and a more substantial ground of triumphant feeling.

We are, therefore, induced to step a little aside from our usual habits to lay their contents before our readers, although they have never been regularly laid before the public. Indeed we will freely admit, that one of our main inducements for the adoption of this proceeding is to be found in the fact, that these documents, interesting as they are under every point of view, have necessarily been restricted to a circulation far more confined than that to which their merit entitles them. We believe, therefore, that we cannot perform a more useful and acceptable duty towards our readers, than to give as clear and succinct an account as we can of the zealous and disinterested efforts of our minister in the cause of humanity, and of the degree in which they have been crowned with success, notwithstanding the sophistry which the mistaken interests of his opponents induced them to set up in opposition.

We rejoice that in a paper intended for the perusal of British readers, it is no longer necessary to enter into the general question of the slave trade, or the principles upon which it is to be reprobated: here at least we may take it for granted, that it is to be considered as an enormous and flagitious CRIME; and that arguments with respect to its expediency are no more to be listened to (with reference to our own conduct at least) than arguments concerning the expediency of any other felony; that in such a case we are not justified in covering our self-interest with the veil of humanity, and arguing, that if we do not commit the crime like gentlemen, and under due regulation, others will aggravate its evils by committing it like ruffians:

"Besides if we do, the French, Dutch, and Danes,
Will beartily thank us, no doubt, for our pains:
If we do not buy the poor creatures, they will,
And tortures and groans will be multiplied still."

Our principles of morality are not yet reduced to so low a standard, nor are they so perverted or overlooked in the education of our youth, as to leave a schoolboy ignorant of the miserable sophistry of this sort of argument concerning an AdMITTED CRIME. Our readers, therefore, will observe, that in the

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