Editor's Note

For many years during both Presidential and Congressional campaigns Republican and Democratic Committees have issued so-called campaign Text Books. The character of these publications remains much the same year after year. Republican Text Books have made prominent the record of the party, the legislation enacted and the accomplishments of the Administration. Facts and figures are given from official and authoritative sources. In short Republican Text Books have been registers of party achievement as indicating a reason for co tinuance in power.

On the other hand Democratic Text Books have had little or no party record to chronicle and their pages have been largely filled with fault-finding accusations and misrepresentations, with promises of what would be attempted if the party were put in control of the Government. But their promises even are threatening, as they are for the most part pledges to destroy Republicanism or the result of Republicanism. In fact a Democratic Text Book is much like the prospectus of a general wrecking concern.

The Democratic Text Book for 1910 will simply be a collection of speeches "knocking❞—to use an expression of the daythe Republican party. Its introduction says:

"If intrusted with power it [the Democratic party] will make a record which will mean much for the prosperity of the masses and in continuation of the principles of free government."

But nothing is said of the period when the Democratic party was intrusted with power, or the calamity to the nation, and adversity instead of prosperity, that came to the masses.

In one Text Book we have a proud party Record—in t! ? other a sneer at that Record as a plea for office.

A Republican Campaign Text Book then is primarily record, not an argument; but, as every good record must obviously be a good argument, the following pages constitute irrefutable evidence on which to base an educational campaign. This book is necessarily compiled at the most inopportune time, namely, following the close of the fiscal year, for which most of the figures are not available. Particularly is it a matter of deep regret that none of the 1910 Census figures covering population and production can be had before this work goes to press. The effort, nevertheless, has been made to have all statements and figures used not only absolutely official or authoritative, but to bring them down to the latest possible date. Only a few of the figures for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1910, however, can be had in time for this publication, and it must be borne in mind that the figures for 1910 in almost every branch of our financial, commercial and industrial life exceed largely all previous records. In using extracts from speeches there has been no thought of exploiting one man or ignoring another, but to present the strongest utterances obtainable applicable to the subjects under consideration.

4

F. C.

President Taft's Letter

MY DEAR MR. MCKINLEY:

BEVERLY, MASS.,

August 20, 1910.

As the chairman of the National Congressional Republican Committee, you have asked me to give the reasons which should lead voters in the coming November election to cast their ballots for Republican candidates for Congress.

I assume that when this letter is given publicity the lines will be drawn, the party candidates will have been selected, and the question for decision will be whether we shall have in the House of Representatives a Republican or a Democratic majority. The question then will be not what complexion of Republicanism one prefers, but whether it is better for the country to have the Republican party control the legislation for the next two years and further redeem its promises, or to enable a Democratic majority in the House either to interpose a veto to Republican measures, or to formulate and pass bills to carry out Democratic principles. Prominence has been given during the preliminary canvasses just ended to the differences between Republicans; but in the election such differences should be forgotten. Differences within the party were manifested in the two sessions of the present Congress, and yet never in its history has the Republican party passed and become responsible for as much useful and progressive legislation. So, while issues will doubtless arise between members of a Republican majority as to the details of further legislation, the party, as a whole, will show itself in the future, as in the past, practical and patriotic in subordinating individual opinions in order to secure real progress. Hence it is important that after Republican Congressional candidates have been duly and fairly chosen, all Republicans who believe in the party principles as declared in its national platform of 1908 should give the candidates loyal and effective support. If this is done, there will be no doubt of a return of a Republican majority.

DEMOCRATIC REPUDIATION.

The only other alternative is a Democratic majority. It is difficult, very difficult, to state all the principles that would govern such a majority in its legislative course; and this because its party platforms have presented a variety of planks not altogether consistent, and because in the present Congress,

leading Democrats in the Senate and the House have not hesitated to repudiate certain of their party pledges and to deny their binding character. We may reasonably assume, however, that a Democratic majority in the House would reject the Republican doctrine of protection as announced in 1908.

What, therefore, has a Republican who believes in protection but objects to some rates or schedules in the present tariff act to hope for from a Democratic majority, which, if allowed its way, would attack the protective system and halt business by a threatened revision of the whole tariff on revenue basis, or if prevented by the Senate or the Executive would merely do nothing.

Buch a legislative program as that set forth in the Republican national platform of 1908 could not be carried out in full by one Congress. Certainly if all its promises are executed in one administration, it will be within a proper time. The present Congress has not only fulfilled many party pledges, but it has by its course set higher the standard of party responsibility for such pledges than ever before in the history of American parties. Hereafter those who would catch voters by declarations in favor of ailuring remedial legislation will not make them except with much more care as to the possibility of its enactment. In view of the history

of the present Congress, the return of a Republican majority in the next Congress may well inspire confidence that the pledges still unredeemed will be met and satisfied.

THE TARIFF.

Let us consider, summarily, the promises made and the legislation enacted by the present Congress: primary importance was the promise to revise the tariff in First and of accordance with the rule laid down in the platform, to wit: that the tariff on articles imported should be equal to the difference between their cost of production abroad and that cost in this country, including a reasonable profit for the domestic manufacturer. A very full investigation-full, at least, as such investigations have been conducted in the past— was made by the Ways and Means Committee of the House to determine what rates should be changed to conform to this rule. A reduction was made in six hundred and fifty-four numbers, and an increase in some two hundred and twenty, while eleven hundred and fifty remained unchanged. The bill was amended in the Senate, but the proportion of increases to decreases was maintained. When I signed the bill, I accompanied my approval with the following memorandum:

"I have signed the Payne tariff bill because I believe it to be the result of a sincere effort on the part of the Republican party to make a downward revision, and to

comply with the promises of the platform as they have been generally understood, and as I interpreted them in the campaign before election.

"The bill is not a perfect tariff bill, or a complete compliance with the promises made strictly interpreted, but a fulfilment free from criticism in respect to a subject matter involving many schedules and thousands of articles could not be expected. It suffices to say that except with regard to whisky, liquors and wines, and in regard to silks and as to some high classes of cottonsall of which may be treated as luxuries and proper subjects of a revenue tariff-there have been very few increases in rates. There have been a great number of real decreases in rates, and they constitute a sufficient amount to justify the statement that this bill is a substantial downward revision, and a reduction of excessive rates. This is not a free-trade bill. It was not intended to be. The Republican party did not promise to make a freetrade bill. It promised to make the rates protective, but to reduce them when they exceeded the difference between the cost of production abroad and here, making allowance for the greater normal profit on active investments here. I believe that while this excess has not been reduced in a number of cases, in a great majority the rates are such as are necessary to protect American industries, but are low enough, in case of abnormal increase of demand and raising of prices, to permit the possibility of the importation of the foreign article and thus to prevent excessive prices.

"The power granted to the Executive under the maximum and minimum clause may be exercised to secure the removal of obstacles which have been interposed by foreign governments in the way of undue and unfair discrimination against American merchandise and prod

ucts.

"The Philippine tariff section I have struggled to secure for ten years last past, and it gratifies me exceedingly by my signature to give it the effect of law. I am sure it will greatly increase the trade between the two countries, and it will do much to build up the Philippines in a healthful prosperity.

"The administrative clauses of the bill and the Customs Court are admirably adapted to secure a more uniform and a more speedy final construction of the meaning of the law.

"The authority to the President to use agents to assist him in the application of the maximum and minimum section of the statute, and to enable officials to administer the law, gives a wide latitude for the acquisition, under circumstances favorable to its truth, of information in respect to the price and cost of production of goods at home and abroad, which will throw much light on the operation of the present tariff and be of primary importance as officially collected data upon which future Executive action and Executive recommendations may be based.

"The corporation tax is a just and equitable excise

criticised for certain of its rates and schedules. criticisms are just and some are wide of the ma unjust.

The truth is that under the old protective id purpose was to make the tariff high enough to home industry. The excess of the tariff over th n the cost of production here and abroad was

objectionable, because it was supposed that ween those who enjoyed the high protection the price for the consumer down to what was rea the manufacturers. The evil of excessive tariff ever, showed itself in the temptation of manufactu bine and suppress competition, and then to maintai so as to take advantage of the excess of the tari the difference between the cost of production abroa

The Payne tariff bill is the first bill passed by lican party in which the necessity for reducing ra this evil has been recognized, and it is therefore step in the right direction and it ought to be such. On the whole, it was a downward revision, on articles of necessity and on raw materials. figures on the first year's operation of the law d this. It must also be remembered that the tariff r new law on imported liquors, wines and silks wer substantially over the Dingley rates, because t luxuries and it was intended to increase the revenu

The charge that the present tariff is responsib increase in the prices of necessities is demonstr because the high prices, with very few exceptio articles in the tariff upon which there was no i rates or in respect to which there was a substantial

TARIFF BOARD.

Perhaps more important than any one feature of ative part of the tariff law is that section which e Executive to appoint a tariff commission or board the needed information for the proper amendment fection of the law. The difficulty in fixing the pr rates in accord with the principle stated in the F platform is in securing reliable evidence as to the