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against a sudden rise of 15s. to 20s. above that average. The notion that a fall in the price of corn would produce a corresponding fall in wages, Mr. Thornton considers to be " utterly void of foundation. The price of corn," he says, "has no more influence on the rate of wages than on the rate of rail-way travelling: wages are paid, not in corn, but in money, and the money price of labour, like that of any thing else, depends upon the quantity of money in the country and the proportion between the supply of and demand for labour." On behalf of those who entertain this notion, and upon whom Mr. Thornton is somewhat severe, we may observe, that their argument is founded upon the notorious fact, that, owing to the peculiar state of that branch of the labour-market, the master manufacturers have acquired an arbitrary control over it, which neutralizes the natural influence of the principle of competition, whereby they reduce the price of labour to a minimum determined by themselves, which they regulate by the cost of provisions; so that their labourers are paid specifically in money, but really in provisions and necessaries. The benefit which will result to the manufacturer from the repeal of the Corn Laws, Mr. Thornton argues, will be found in the impulse that will thereby be given to the demand for his goods abroad. The supposed injury resulting to the agricultural classes from the measure he confines to landlords and holders of land on long leases; majority of farmers, being merely tenants at will, are at liberty to break off their connexion with their landlords at the close of every year." But Mr. Thornton forgets that this "breaking off" involves the sale of stock and the realization of capital at a sacrifice, which would make the tenant rather "bear the ills he has." Landlords, he thinks, will find some counteraction to a reduction of rents in the diminution of the cost of cultivation by reason of the repeal of the laws, and especially in the reduction of the poor rates; but as certain heavy taxes, which cannot be repealed, fall exclusively upon the land, he concedes, by way of compensation, a moderate fixed duty upon the importation of foreign corn.

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We have given a rather extended notice of this pamphlet, because, although we do not entirely concur with the writer, we think he has treated the question with ability.

The Visiter's Guide to the Watering Places. London, 1841. Strange.
A Guide to the Loan Societies of London. London, 1841. Strange.

BоTH excellent in their respective lines; the former is a neat and portable manual, containing full directions to those who are in search of pure air; the latter describes no less than 78 places where a person may "raise the wind."

A History of British Birds. By WILLIAM YARRELL, F. L. S., V. P. Z. S. London, 1841. Van Voorst.

THE second volume of this elegant and valuable work is now completed. We can add nothing to the commendations we have already bestowed upon it, as a publication at once doing honour to science and the arts.

The Scenery and Antiquities of Ireland Illustrated. Nos. 6, 7, and 8. London. Virtue.

Canadian Scenery Illustrated. Nos. 15, 16, and 17. London. Virtue. THESE two works proceed pari passu, and possess equal attractions to the admirer of the fine arts and the lover of local scenery and description. The graphic illustrations (each part containing four exquisitely finished engravings) are from drawings by Mr. W. H. Bartlett; the literary matter, consisting of history and local description, is contributed by Mr. N. P. Willis, the popular author of Pencillings by the Way. They will form ornaments to the library as well as the table.

Fox's Book of Martyrs. Edited by the Rev. Jonx Cumming, M. A. Nos. 6 and 7.

London. Virtue.

A POPULAR book, carefully edited, and prodigally illustrated with portraits and other graphic embellishments, exceedingly well executed,

REVIEW OF EASTERN NEWS.

No. XLVII.

THE Overland mail, which left Bombay on the 1st October, brings intelligence from Calcutta to the 18th September, from Madras to the 21st September, from Canton to the 24th August, and from Singapore to the 4th September. Our latest advices from Australasia are dated July 1st from Sydney.

Although the intelligence from China extends over a period of two months, it communicates no event of any importance, except the arrival of Sir Henry Pottinger and the naval commander-in-chief, Sir William Parker. The latter proceeded, without a day's delay, to Hong-kong, where he was soon joined by the new plenipotentiary, both of whom embarked on an expedition which sailed to the northward on the 21st August. Its precise destination was not known, Sir Henry Pottinger being very abstemious in his communications upon the subject. In his official notification, he declares that the truce agreed to by his predecessor, Capt. Elliot, will subsist, unless the Chinese should act in contravention of its stipulations. These prompt measures, this decided tone, and the manner in which Sir Henry treated an evident attempt at cajolery on the part of the Kwangchoo-foo (the provincial officer, with whom Capt. Elliot concluded the armistice), encourage us to hope for a skilful management of the unfortunate contest in which we are engaged, and a speedy termination of it. Little can be inferred, from the various official edicts, of the final intentions of the court of Peking, which will probably be influenced materially by the course of proceeding adopted by the new British functionaries. The tone of those documents, however, is less truculent than formerly; the imperial reply to the report, made by the commissioners, of the ransom of Canton, though warlike, is temperate compared with a previous edict, in which the very words "make peace" were proscribed. By allowing the English, in spite of their presumption in attacking Canton and routing the imperial troops, to trade according to custom, if they be "implicitly obedient to the laws," a prospect of accommodation is held out. If it be true (as reported) that Keshen has been restored to favour, it would be reasonable to attribute this change of language to his counsel and suggestions. The statement of Keshen's confiscated property must be grossly exaggerated, if it be not altogether fictitious.

It would appear that the crews of our ships of war, as well as the troops, still suffer much from sickness. One account supposes that the departure of the ships from Hong-kong had no other object in view than to try the effect of a cruise upon the health of the debilitated seamen and soldiers.

Two severe typhoons have visited the coast of China, and occasioned fearful destruction amongst the shipping. It appears that Commodore Bremer and Capt. Elliot were wrecked in the Louisa cutter, in consequence of this sudden calamity, and narrowly escaped the two-fold peril Asiat. Journ.N.S.VOL. 36. No. 143. S

of the elements and the people on shore, who appear to have exacted an exorbitant ransom of the English "mandarins," although they were happily ignorant of their real rank.

The Indian intelligence is likewise devoid of any feature of much interest, if we except the successes gained over the Ghilzie and Dooranee subjects of Shah Shooja, who have taken arms against him and his allies. The private accounts of these conflicts (no official reports having been published) exhibit the heroism of the victors or the pusillanimity of the vanquished in strong colours. In the action of the 5th August, the formidable Ghilzies, though in some force, were totally routed by a very small detachment, our troops killing 100, without any positive loss. In the "decisive and hard-fought engagement" of the 17th, with the Ghilzie and Teree forces, 4,000 in number, under Akhtar Khan, the chief who attacked Capt. Woodburn with so much resolution on the 2nd July, the British sepoys and the Shah's troops vied with each other in valour; the enemy were defeated with much slaughter, having lost 1,000 men, including three chiefs. The Janbaz, or Affghan levies, who appear to have acted like cowards in the action of the 2nd July, in this engagement "behaved in a manner which elicited from all beholders the highest encomiums." In the former affair (of the 5th August), the 5th Bengal Cavalry likewise conducted themselves in so gallant a manner, " that no stain can longer rest on that branch of the service." This gallantry, it seems, is to be further exerted in the Kohistan, Teree, and other parts of the Shah's territories, where the zemindars and sirdars refuse to pay the government revenue. This is a service from which British troops can gather no laurels; it is an odious as well as an endless employment; but the circumstances in which our government is placed, in relation to Shah Shooja, render it not a matter of choice, but of necessity, at present, for our commanders to perform this ungracious duty. It is probably to this cause that we must trace our declining popularity in Affghanistan. The cold-blooded murder at Candahar (where the life of every European is threatened), and the assaults upon our sepoys there and at Ghuznee, are probably symptoms of a disaffection created by their being regarded as the instruments of oppression.

The Punjab is still quiet. Surmises and speculations are vented in some of the Indian papers as to the intentions of the British Government towards its ruler, but they are improbable. The Sikhs are said to be making great progress in extending their dominion over the country north of the Himalaya, where they have to contend only with the timid Tibetans. As they approach the Nepalese territories, the old animosity between the two people may revive, and there is a rumour of a probable collision betwixt the Sikhs and the Nepalese.

In proportion as the attention of political writers in India is withdrawn from our western frontier, it is directed with the greater anxiety to the eastern, and the motions of the King of Ava are watched with suspicion. It seems that Tharawaddie is about to visit the maritime parts of his dominions with a large army, and as there is not even an ostensible reason for this proceeding, it has been inferred from thence, and from the erection of

some defences near the British frontier, at Martaban, that he is about to commence active warfare against us. Reports are, indeed, current, that the Emperor of China has written to the sovereign of Ava, urging him to make some diversion in his favour, by exciting apprehensions on our part of an invasion of our territories. If we supposed the Burmese monarch to be actuated by the maxims of prudence which govern European rulers, it would be irrational to conclude that, having neglected the most favourable moment for annoying us, he should choose a period when a powerful fleet of English ships is collected in the China seas, and our army is comparatively unemployed. The King of Ava, as is well observed in an Indian paper, is more afraid of us than he can expect that we are of him; and it is probable that his southern journey is merely for domestic objects. His being attended by an army may be partly for pomp and state, partly because he is unwilling to leave so dangerous an engine behind him. The erection of defences may be the act of a local officer, with a view of showing the king that his frontiers are not unprotected. We know too little of the politics of these semi-barbarous courts, and of the motives which sway them, to speculate upon their proceedings with accuracy.

The territories of the Nizam, and the southern Mahratta country, appear to be in a very disturbed condition, owing to the bands of Arabs and other marauders scattered about them, who are supposed to act in secret concert with the native authorities. One of the latest Bombay papers asserts, upon what it declares to be authentic information received from Hyderabad, that the Nizam is desirous of ridding himself of our yoke, and that, generally, the durbars of the native princes of India are the foci of discontent. If this be the real state of things, it may be the fruit of our recent policy, which, by extending the radius of our power, and employing our sword with so little compunction, in the west of India, has belied our former professions, that the acquisition of territory and of political importance was not courted but avoided by us.

Little addition is made this month to the former news from Scinde. Nusseer Khan, respecting whom so much has been said and unsaid, is at length a guest of Col. Stacy. The settlement of Khelat, however, seems still a knotty question.

The incidents at the presidencies are few. The ex-Ameer of Cabul, after suffering in health from his visit to the uncongenial climate of Bengal, has departed for his state prison at Loodiana. He will prove a convenient instrument for securing the fidelity of the sovereign of Cabul. The affray at Calcutta, between a Persian prince (one of the multitudinous progeny of the late Shah of Persia) and a Mogul merchant, will shew the mode in which these quarrels used to be adjusted in India. The report of the Military Board of Bengal, on public works (p. 265), may surprise some readers, who are not aware of the extent of the outlay made by the Indian Government for roads, canals, embankments, and other useful undertakings,

• We have heard that some demur has been made abroad to the indemnifying the estate of poor Lieutenant Loveday, for the property of which he was plundered at Khelat. This should not be.

which has amounted to a million and a half sterling, in the last twenty years, and is going on at the rate of £75,000 a-year.

The other heads of Asiatic intelligence from Asia and Australasia comprize no circumstance which calls for particular notice. The difficulties with which trade has to struggle in our settlements on New Holland, as they have arisen from the fault of the settlers, will subside by the exercise of a little patience and more circumspection.

We cannot conclude this Review without expressing our satisfaction at the recent appointment of a Governor-General of India. Upon principle, the nomination of a President of the Board of Control to that station is, perhaps, objectionable, as affording a precedent that may be abused; but when, as in the present instance, it was difficult to select from public men another in all respects so fit for the post, which is becoming one of the most arduous in the state, and demands a previous preparation, the nation would gain nothing by the exclusion of Lord Ellenborough upon that ground. Relying upon his known abilities and experience, upon the diligence and attention he has always evinced towards Indian affairs, upon the confidence reposed in him by those who know the exigencies of India, and are responsible for their choice, and upon the sound and statesman-like views developed by his Lordship in his speech at the inauguratory festival, we expect from him a wise, liberal, and pacific administration of the affairs of India.

DEBATE ON THE LAND TAX IN INDIA.

The following are the observations which fell from Mr. Hodgson, in the Debate at the East-India House on the 22nd September, and which were not correctly heard :—

Mr. Hodgson observed that the long course of his service in the revenue department in India ought to have made the subjects under discussion familiar to him; that he thought many of the calculations and statements which had been made would admit of easy explanation; but he concurred with the Chairman in opinion, that it was not desirable to discuss in that Court the important subjects of the landed tenures in India, and the disposal of the waste lands, on the plan suggested by Mr. M. Martin; that these were questions of private right, which the courts⚫ of judicature in India were alone competent to decide; that his belief was, that in Bengal-and he spoke more confidently of his belief as to Madras-no great evil had resulted from calling the zemindars “landholders” and “actual proprietors of the land," because, in the local regulations which contained these declarations, it was enacted, that "no actual proprietor of land shall impose any new tax upon the ryots, under a penalty of paying three times the amount;" so that the proprietary right, claimed by some for the zemindars, could not be the absolute right to the land, but only to the revenue from the land; that no ryot could legally be deprived of his land so long as he paid to the zemindar the revenue due to the sovereign, which revenue is declared in the same regulations to be, "by the ancient law of the country, a certain portion of the produce of every acre of land," payable in money or kind, according to the custom established in each village.

• See a decision by the chief court of justice at Madras, published by Mr. Hodgson in 1828, Asiatic Journal, O.S., vol, xxv. p. 719.

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