parties, that afterwards unite again. What the thickness of such a cloud may be it is difficult to say, but it must be considerable, for not a ray of sunshine can pierce the mass, and the shadow cast on the ground is so dense, that, on a hot summer's day, it diffuses an agreeable coolness around. The sudden darkness occasioned by the appearance of a swarm of locusts, on a fine day, is quite as great as that which would be caused by a succession of black rainy clouds. In calm weather, a cloud of locusts will fly about fourteen English miles in eight hours.

The ground honoured by the visit of one of these swarms, always assumes the appearance of a field of battle. In their eagerness to feed, they often bite each other; and when falling down, many break their wings, and are unable to rise again with the rest of the swarm. It is difficult to estimate the numbers of one of these winged armies. The people of the country maintain that, when a large cloud of locusts falls, it will cover a piece of ground of nearly four versts long and one verst broad, and in many places the creatures will lie three and four deep, and scarcely an inch will remain uncovered. If there happen to be a tree near the place, it will seem ready to break under the sudden load. Now, allowing for each insect a surface of two inches by one, and making no account of the patches where they lie three or four deep, it would follow that a small swarm, covering only one square verst, must consist of not much less than a thousand millions of locusts!* And every one of them, as the Russians say, has the bite of a horse, the greediness of a wolf, and a power and rapidity of digestion unequalled by any other animal on the face of the globe!

Though there are some descriptions of food for which the locust shews a partiality, the creature is seldom difficult in its choice, but eats up every green plant that comes in its way. The leaves and young branches vanish from the trees in a trice; a rich meadow is presently converted into a tract of black earth; the bank of a river is stripped with magical rapidity of its reedy fringe; and not a particle of stubble is left to mark the place where the green corn was waving but an hour before. As they eat they keep moving on, but as the first comers seldom leave much for their successors, the rear-guard frequently rise into the air, and let themselves down again somewhat in advance of the main body. Others are continually flying away towards the flanks, and in proportion as the marauders advance, their solid phalanx assumes more and more the appearance of a lengthened line. The sound of the little animal's bite as it grazes, joined to the continual rustling of its wings, which it always keeps in motion while feeding, may be distinctly heard at a considerable distance. To any one near the spot, the noise is quite as great as that made by a large flock of sheep eagerly cropping the grass. If the corn is quite ripe, the locust can do it little harm; but whatever is still green is certain to be devoured. Sometimes a farmer, on seeing the enemy's approach, will try to save a field of nearly ripe corn by cutting it down and carrying the sheaves home immediately; but the attempt rarely succeeds, for the invading host advances in its line of march, undismayed by the mowers, and will eat away the blades faster than the scythe can cut them. There are few things the locusts are fonder of than Indian corn, and it is a curious sight to behold a field of maize vanishing before their ravenous teeth. The maize grows to a great height on the steppe, and makes a very imposing appearance as it approaches maturity. A small number of locusts, however, are able, in a few

A verst is 3,500 feet long. A square verst contains, therefore, 12,250,000 square feet, and 1,764,000,000 square inches.

seconds, to perforate the plant like a honeycomb, and in a few minutes not a trace of it is left. Each plant is quickly covered with insects, while others are industriously working away at the root. Blade falls rapidly on blade, and at each fall a little swarm rises, to settle quickly down again with renewed voracity. If the corn was nearly ripe, the farmer has, perhaps, the consolation of seeing a yellow stubble field remaining, to tantalize him with the recollection of the hoped-for abundance. In the costly gardens of the Odessa merchants, the locust is particularly destructive. It does not touch the melons, cucumbers, nor the growing fruit on the trees, but it ruthlessly devours the leaves and the stalks, leaving the fruit scattered on the ground, to wither with the bodies of the slain destroyers. The leaves, tendrils, and young branches of a vine, will be completely eaten away, but the grapes will be found scattered like so many berries below. Every tree in the garden, meanwhile, is bending under the unwelcome load, while the crackling of the branches, the tearing of the bark, and the rustling of the wings, raise a din quite as loud as that of a carpenter's workshop, in which a score or two of men are sawing, boring, and planing; and when at length the swarm takes its departure, it leaves behind it a scene of such perfect desolation, as no other animal in the world can equal. Even the dung, of which it leaves an enormous quantity behind, is injurious to the soil on which it falls; and for a long time after a field has been visited by a swarm of locusts, the cattle manifest the greatest aversion to the place.

REDEMPTION OF THE INDIAN LAND-TAX.

LETTER I.

TO THE EDITOR.

SIR: It is impossible for any man of reflexion to contemplate the grandeur which the British power in India has attained, without feeling an intense desire to become acquainted with the causes which have produced such a result. To a Briton, endowed with a moderate share of patriotism, the subject is peculiarly attractive; for, independent of the many proud national recollections with which it is associated, the mighty interests that started into existence with our Indian empire have become so intimately blended with the welfare of England itself, that the question how these interests are to be preserved, furnishes abundant matter for the serious consideration of all who have the prosperity of their country at heart.

That a great diversity of opinion should prevail on this question ought not to surprise any one acquainted with the difficulties which surround it, while the increasing solicitude which has lately manifested itself in the public mind in England regarding India has brought with it a great accession to the number of those who direct their attention to that important though remote portion of our dominions.

With a certain class of indolent reasoners, the question of the preservation of the British dominion in India is easily settled; India, they say, was gained by the sword, and must be retained by it. Another class, the Alarmists, hold the extreme opinion, that all the efforts of Great Britain cannot retain India

• This letter was received several months ago, not only prior to the late discussion in the Court of Proprietors of East-India Stock, but before any notice was given of the question discussed; illness having prevented the writer from completely developing his scheme, in a subsequent letter, the present was kept back.-Editor,

for any considerable period; that her hold of it must be relaxed when the opinion entertained by the natives of our invincibility undergoes a change. A third class comprises a great proportion of those civil and military officers who have been actively engaged in all the important scenes acted in India for the last forty or fifty years; their opinions are the result of experience derived from a practical knowledge of the country and the character of its inhabitants; and this experience has impressed them with a conviction that the retention of India, and the proper government of the country, though difficult, are nevertheless practicable.

A thorough examination of the principles on which any given system is based must precede any attempt to improve it, or to correct its defects; and this process is particularly applicable to the question before us; for it is evident that, in order to form a correct estimate of the means which the British Government in India possesses of strengthening and consolidating its colossal dominion, we must examine into the causes which operated with the greatest force in raising it to the exalted position it now occupies. Without such examination, it would be difficult to ascertain whether our Indian empire is to be indebted for its permanent security to those means which contributed to its existence, or if they have ceased (with the change of circumstances) to yield that support which Government must obtain from some source or other, to render its authority efficient.

That the gigantic military resources of Great Britain contributed, in a very great degree, to her present extensive dominion in Asia, few will be inclined to dispute; that our Government in India must for some time continue to rely mainly upon these resources, may also be granted; but it is evident that mere military force could never have accomplished the subjugation of a hundred millions of people without the co-operation of powerful collateral circumstances. That such circumstances did exist, can easily be shewn by a reference to the history of India. Had the Mogul empire continued to preserve that attitude of strength and vigour which it possessed when its destinies were guided by such men as Ackber, Shah Jehan, and Aurungzebe, it would have been in a condition to meet the first advance of European aggression with an opposition so formidable as to have induced them to confine their views to the occupation of convenient ports on the sea-coast for the purpose of carrying on a peaceable commercial intercourse with the inhabitants; but after the death of Aurungzebe, the reins of government became so relaxed, that the royal authority gradually fell into contempt, and was at last set at defiance by the ambitious viceroys of the empire, who erected for themselves separate and independent kingdoms out of the dismembered provinces. In the midst of that anarchy and violence which invariably attend the contests of rival factions, the great body of the people are sure to be the sufferers, and we accordingly find that, during the progress of the dismemberment of the Mogul empire, the continent of India was a scene of rapine, plunder, and massacre, which reduced the unhappy people almost to despair, so that they would gladly have welcomed the appearance of a strong and regular government as a positive blessing. In this frame of mind the English found them, willing and efficient instruments for their purposes.

Such is my opinion of a British soldier, that I believe him capable of performing every thing that can be expected from the union of all those qualities which ought to form the military character. I believe, therefore, that our arms would have conquered the country, with the people united against them. But the military occupation of a country, and the permanent subjugation of its

inhabitants, are two very different things. The first may be effected in direct opposition to the wishes of the people; the last never can, without their concurrence, either active or passive; and the world has had two very recent examples of this kind in Russia and Spain. In India, the great body of the people hated their rulers for their tyranny and oppression; they felt that no change could make their condition worse, and had reason to hope that any change would improve it; and when they did transfer their allegiance from their sovereigns to the British, they found the experiment attended with so many unexpected benefits, that they were confirmed in the choice they made : they have for the last half-century become the quiet and peaceable subjects of a Government which they have found uniformly animated with a sincere desire to promote their welfare and happiness.

Here, then, lies the secret of that power by which a handful of foreigners hold a hundred millions of people in peaceable subjection; a power which is worth a million of bayonets; and so long as the preservation of that power is correctly understood, and judiciously applied, we may expect it to endure, and no longer.

Nations are governed through their fears or their affections, and a skilful use of both these instruments has brought the British authority in India to its present position; and this leads us to the question as to the policy which is best adapted for preserving it in full vigour; in short, whether we are to command the implicit submission of the natives through their fears, or secure their willing obedience through their affections, or rather their interests-a term more intelligible to the comprehension of an Asiatic.

The first of these modes is so revolting to the feelings and habits of Englishmen, that it is always viewed with aversion; nor is it ever resorted to by discreet rulers except under the pressure of some sudden inevitable necessity. It is true, that military coercion formed a very prominent feature in the policy of our Indian administration during its carcer of conquest, but neither could that policy, nor the train of events which produced it, be ascribed to any prcmeditated views of aggression entertained by the British nation; on the contrary, such views were not only disclaimed by the solemn declaration of Parliament, but repeated instructions, in the true spirit of these declarations, were sent out to the Indian authorities, to abstain from the prosecution of all conquests. Events, however, forced on the British Government in India the alternative of becoming the paramount power in Asia, or abandoning it altogether to one or other of our powerful European rivals.

We now come to the question, whether the position of the Indian Government is such, that it can maintain its authority by the aid of its standing army, were it disposed to do so, and becoming a purely military despotism. If we look at the constitution of that army, we cannot fail to perceive that it is one eminently calculated to strengthen the hands of a good government, but wholly unfit to support a bad one. If the disaffected bear a trifling proportion in number to the great body of the people, then the army is fully adequate to crush them; but if the whole mass becomes tainted with disaffection, the army, instead of supporting the government, would only accelerate its destruction, for seven-eighths of our military force are composed of natives of India, and whatever the feelings of the great body of the people may be, the military must partake of them. Thus the Indian Government can only look to its military force as a subordinate element of strength; it must therefore direct its attention to those measures which are calculated to secure the willing obedience of its subjects through their affections. Here I must say, with sorrow, that the

prospect is far from encouraging; we have, indeed, given to our native subjects security in life and property to a degree far beyond what they ever enjoyed before; they are permitted the free exercise of their religious ceremonies, and the observance of their ancient customs, and a body of excellent laws has been given to them. The condition of the natives has been improved greatly since they passed under British rule, and so long as the present generation lives, that condition will derive a great accession of value from a comparison with the one which preceded it. But this generation will soon be extinct, and the one which follows, from not knowing a worse state of things, will soon learn to be discontented with their condition, and it will then be seen, that something more is required than security of life and property to place our subjects beyond the reach of foreign intrigue. All the benefits they now enjoy under the British Government are precisely of that description of advantage which a foreign enemy would hold out as the price of their co-operation in its attempt to overturn it.

It is a favourite argument with those who deride the idea of danger to the British power in India, that several of the old European governments have subsisted for centuries, under circumstances much more adverse to their stability than any which appear to threaten the Anglo-Indian Government. But the position of the latter bears no analogy whatever to the governments thus attempted to be compared with it. In Russia, for instance, the most despotic and tyrannical in Europe, the dominant class is composed entirely of natives of the country; they profess the same religion; they are brought up from their infancy in all the habits, manners and customs, and prejudices of their countrymen; consequently, they possess a certain degree of moral influence, which in some measure serves to lessen the odium which would otherwise attach to their acts. The reverse of all this is the case in India; there the dominant class is composed of strangers to the people they govern; they are even at first utterly ignorant of the language in which their intercourse with the inhabitants is to be carried on; in short, those, only, who have had opportunities of a familiar intercourse with the natives of India can form an adequate idea of the extraordinary contrast which the European and Asiatic present. I put aside altogether the personal appearance and physical qualities of the two races, but the distinction is equally remarkable in their habits, their manners, their mode of thinking on every subject, their religious belief, and their moral and intellectual qualities, in all of which the two races are the very antipodes of each other; and when it is considered that the one is the conquering race, and the other the conquered, it is obvious how difficult it must be to assimilate such discordant elements into order, union, and strength. Nor is that difficulty occasioned by natural causes alone; to these must be added the necessity of denying to natives of all classes the possession of political power and privileges. This rule of excluding its native subjects from political power, though dictated by stern necessity, has been productive of injurious consequences; it has created a feeling of hostility towards our Government in the minds of native gentlemen, and renders them more disaffected than they would be, were a little more consideration paid to their wounded sense of honour. The rule has, moreover, had the effect of reducing all ranks to a level-in fact, pounded them into one indistinguishable mass, and consequently increased, to a dangerous extent, the number of malcon

tents.

But although the road to political power and privilege is closed, there are other paths open to them, other privileges which may be conferred by the