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terest, and even of personal enmity, in a quarter this? You are perpetually complaining of the riot. where no such interest or enmity can be supposed to ous disposition of the lower class of people; yet when exist, without the highest injustice, and the highest the laws have given you the means of making an exdishonor? On the other hand, by what judicious ample, in every sense unexceptionable, and by far the managenent have you contrived it, that the only act most likely to awe the multitude, you pardon the of mercy to which you ever advised your sovereign, offense, and are not ashamed to give the sanction of far from adding to the lustre of a character truly government to the riots you complain of, and even to gracious and benevolent, should be received with future murders. You are partial, perhaps, to the universal disapprobation and disgust? I shall con- military mode of execution; and had rather see a sider it as a ministerial measure, because it is an a score of these wretches butchered, by the guards,
and as your measure, my lord duke, be- | than one of them suffer death by regular course of cause you are the minister.
law. How does it happen, my lord, that, in your As long as the trial of this chairman was depend- hands, even the mercy of the prerogative is cruelty ing, it was natural enough that government should and oppression to the subject ? give him every possible encouragement and support. The measure, it seems, was so extraordinary, that The honorable service for which he was hired, and you thought it necessary to give some reasons for it the spirit with which he performed it, made common to the public. Let them be fairly examined. cause between your grace and him. The minister, 1. Yon say, that Messrs. Broomfield and Starling who, by secret corruption, invades the freedom of were not examined at M'Quirk's trial. I will tell your elections, and the ruffian, who, by open violence de- grace why they were not
grace why they were not. They must have been ex
They mins stroys that freedom, are embarked in the same bot- amined upon oath; and it was foreseen, that their tom; they have the same interests, and mutually feel evidence would either not benefit, or might be prejufor each other. To do justice to your grace's human- dicial, to the prisoner. Otherwise, is it conceivable ity, you felt for M'Quirk as you ought to do; and if that his counsel should neglect to call in such mateyou had been contented to assist him indirectly, rial evidence? without a notorious denial of justice, or openly in- 2. You say, that Mr. Foot did not see the deceased sulting the sense of the nation, you might have satis- until after his death. A surgeon, my lord, must know fied every duty of political friendship, without com- very little of his profession, if, upon examining a mitting the honor of your sovereign, or hazarding wound or a contusion, he cannot determine whether the reputation of his government. But when this it was mortal or not. While the party is alive, a unhappy man had been solemnly tried, convicted, surgeon will be cautious of pronouncing; whereas, and condemned; when it appeared that he had been by the death of the patient, he is enabled to consider frequently employed in the same services, and that both cause and effect in one view, and to speak with no excuse for him could be drawn either from the a certainty confirmed by experience. innocence of his former life, or the simplicity of his 3. Yet we are to thank your grace for the estab character; was it not hazarding too much, to inter- lishment of a new tribunal. Your inquisito post pose the strength of the prerogative between this felon mortem, is unknown to the laws of England, and does and the justice of his country ?* You ought to have honor to your invention. The only material objecknown that an example of this sort was never so tion to it is, that if Mr. Foot's evidence was insuffinecessary as at present; and certainly you must have cient, because he did not examine the wound till known, that the lot could not have fallen upon a after the death of the party, much less can a negamore guilty object. What system of government is tive opinion, given by gentlemen who never saw the * Whitehal, March 11, 1769. His majesty has been
body of Mr. Clarke either before or after his decease, graciously pleased to extend his royal mercy to Edward
authorize you to supercede the verdict of a jury, and M'Quirk, found guilty of the murder of George Clarke, the sentence of the law. as appears by his royal warrant, to the tenor following:
Now, my lord, let me ask you, Has it never occurred GEORGE R. Whereas a doubt has arisen in our royal breast con
to your grace, while you were withdrawing this descerning the evidence of the death of George Clarke,
| perate wretch from that justice which the laws had from the representations of William Broomtield, esq.. awarded, and which the whole people of England desurgeon, and Solomon Starling, apothecary; both of whom, as has been represented to us, attended the deceased before his death, and expressed their opinions that
| is the favorite of his country, whose pardon would he did not die of the blow he received at Brentford: and have been accepted with gratitude, whose pardon whereas it appears to us that neither of the said persons would have healed all our divisions? Have you quite were produced as witnesses upon the trial, though the
forgotten that this man was once your grace's friend? said Solomon Starling had been examined before the coroner; and the only person called to prove that the Or, is it to murderers only that you will extend the death of the said George Clarke was occasioned by the
mercy of the crown? said blow, was John Foot, surgeon, who never saw the deceased till after his death: we thought fit thereupon to
These are questions you will not answer, nor is it refer the said representations, together with the report of the recorder of our city of London of the evidence given
swer by Richard and William Beale and the said John Foot, on the trial of Edward Quirk, otherwise called Edward Kirk, otherwise called Edward M'Quirk, for the murder of the
JUNIUS. said Clarke, to the master, wardens, and the rest of the court of examiners of the surgeons' company, commanding them likewise to take such farther examination of Kirk, otherwise called Edward M'Quirk, be inserted for the said persons, so representing, and of said John Foot, the said murder, in our first and next general pardon that as they might think necessary, together with the prem- shall come out for the poor convicts of Newgate, without ises above-mentioned, to form and report to us their any condition ,whatsoever; and that, in the meantime, opinion, " Whether it did or did not appear to them that you take bail for his appearance, in order to plead our the said George Clarke died in consequence of the blow he said pardon. And for so doing this shall be your war received in the riot at Brentford on the 8th of December | rant. last." And the said court of examiners of the surgeons' Given at our court at St. James's, the tenth day of company having thereupon reported to us their opinion,
March, 1769, in the ninth year of our reign. -"That it did not appear to them that he did;" we have By his majesty's command.
ROCHFORD. thought proper to extend our royal mercy to him the said | To our trusty and well-beloved Edward Quirk, otherwise Edward Kirk, otherwise called James Eyre, esq., recorder of Edward M'Quirk, and to grant him our free pardon for Our city of London, the sherifs the murder of the said George Clarke, of which he has of our said city and county of been found guilty. Our will and pleasure, therefore, is, Middlesex, and all others whom That the said Edward Quirk, otherwise called Edward ! it may concern.
| tives which should not have been given to the poblic.
I have frequently censured Mr. Wilkes's conduct, To His GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON.
yet your advocate reproaches me with having devoted MY LORD,
April 10, 1769. I myself to the service of sedition. Your grace can I have so good an opinion of your grace's discern- best inform us for which of Mr. Wilkes's good qualiment, that when the author of the vindication of ties you first lionored him with your friendship, ar your conduct assures us that he writes from his own how long it was before you discovered those bad one mere motion, without the least authority from your | in him, at which, it seems, your delicacy was offended. grace, I should be ready enough to believe him, but Remember, my lord, that you continued your 600for one fatal mark, which seems to be fixed upon nection with Mr. Wilkes, long after he had been codevery measure in which either your personal or poli-victed of those crimes which you have since talen tical character is concerned. Your first attempt to pains to represent in the blackest colors of blasphemy support sir William Proctor ended in the election of and treason. How unlucky is it, that the first ifMr. Wilkes; the second insured success to Mr. Glynn. stance you have given us of a scrupulous regard to The extraordinary step you took to make sir James decorum, is united with a breach of a moral obligaLowther lord paramount of Cumberland has ruined tion! For my own part, my lord, I am proud to afhis interest in that country for ever: the house list of firm, that if I had been weak enough to form such a directors was cursed with the concurrence of govern- friendship, I would never have been base enough to ment; and even the miserable Dingley * could not betray it." But let Mr. Wilkes's character be what it escape the misfortune of your grace's protection. may, this, at least is certain; that circumstanced as With this uniform experience before us, we are he is, with regard to the public, even his vices plead authorized to suspect, that when a pretended vindica- for him. The people of England have too much distion of your principles and conduct, in reality, con- cernment to suffer your grace to take advantage of tains the bitterest reflections upon both, it could not the failings of a private character, to establish a prehave been written without your immediate direction cedent by which the public liberty is affected, and and assistance. The author, indeed, calls God to wit- which you may hereafter, with equal ease and satisness for him, with all the sincerity, and in the very faction, employ to the ruin of the best men in the terms of an Irish evidence, to the best of his knowl-kingdom. Content yourself, my lord, with the many edge and belief. My lord, you should not encourage advantages which the unsullied purity of your own these appeals to Heaven. The pious prince, from character has given you over your unhappy deserted whom you are supposed to descend, made such fre- friend. Avail yourself of all the unforgiving piety quent use of them in his public declarations, that, at of the court you live in, and bless God that you are last, the people also found it necessary to appeal to not as other men are; extortioners, unjust, adulterHeaven in their turn. Your administration has driveners, or even as this publican." In a heart void of us into circumstances of equal distress: beware, at feeling, the laws of honor and good faith may be violeast, how you remind us of the remedy.
lated with impunity, and there you may safely inYou have already much to answer for. You have dulge your genius. But the laws of England shall provoked this unhappy gentleman to play the fool once not be violated, even by your holy zeal to oppress & more in public life, in spite of his years and infirmi- sinner; and, though you have succeeded in making ties; and to show us, that, as you yourself are a sin- him a tool, you shall not make him the victim of gular instance of youth without spirit, the man who your ambition. defends you is a no less remarkable example of age
JUNIUS without the benefit of experience. To follow such a writer minutely, would, like his own periods, be labor without end. The subject too has been already discussed, and is sufficiently understood. I cannot
LETTER X. help observing, however, that when the pardon of M'Quirk was the principal charge against you, it
To MR. EDWARD WESTON, would have been but a decent compliment to your SIR,
April 21, 17a. grace's understanding, to have defended you upon I said you were an old man without the benefit your own principles. What credit does a man deserve, of experience. It seems you are also a volunteer, who tells us plainly, that the facts set forth in the with the stipend of twenty commissions, and at a king's proclamation were not the true motives on period when all prospects are at an end, you are still which the pardon was granted ? and that he wishes looking forward to rewards which you cannot enjoy. that those chirurgical reports, which first gave occa- No man is better acquainted with the bounty of goro sion to certain doubts in the royal breast, had not been ernment than you are ; laid before his majesty ? · You see, my lord, that even
- Ton impudence, your friends cannot defend your actions, without
Temeraire vieillard, aura sa recompence. changing your principles; nor justify a deliberate But I will not descend to an altercation either with measure of government without contradicting, the the impotence of your age, or the peevishness of your main assertion on which it was founded.
diseases. Your pamphlet, ingenious as it is, has been The conviction of M'Quirk had reduced you to a so little read, that the public cannot know how fa dilemma in which it was hardly possible for you to you have the right to give me the lie, without the reconcile your political interest with your duty. You following citation of your own words: were obliged either to abandon an active, useful par- Page 6th. ‘1. That he is persuaded that the me tisan, or to protect a felon from public justice. With tives which he (Mr. Weston) has alleged, must appear your usual spirit you preferred your interest to every fully sufficient with or without the opinions of the other consideration; and, with your usual judgment, surgeons. you founded your determination upon the only mo "2. That those very motives must have been the
foundation on which the earl of Rochford thought * This unfortunate person had been persua ded by tl duke of Grafton to set up for Middlesex, his grace being '3. That he cannot but regret, that the earl of Rochdetermined to seat him in the house of commons, if he
if he ford seems to have thought proper to lay the chirurbad but a single vote. It happened, unluckily, that he could not prevail upon any one freeholder to put him in I gical reports before the king, in preference to all tem nomination,
other sufficient motives,' etc.
Let the public determine whether this be defend- / a future house of commons, perhaps less virtuous ing government on their principles or your own. than the present, every county in England, under the
The style and language you have adopted are, I auspices of the treasury, may be represented as coinconfess, not ill-suited to the elegance of your own pletely as the county of Middlesex. Posterity will manners, or to the dignity of the cause you have un- be indebted to your grace for not contenting yourself dertaken. Every common dauber writes rascal and with a temporary expedient, but entailing upon them villain under his pictures, because the pictures them the immediate blessings of your administration. selves have neither character nor resemblance. But Boroughs were already too much at the mercy of the works of a niaster require no index; his features government. Counties could neither be purchased and coloring are taken from nature; the impression not intimidated. But their solemn determined electhey make is immediate and uniform; nor is it pos- tion may be rejected; and the man they detest may sible to mistake his characters, whether they repre- be appointed by another choice to represent them in sent the treachery of a minister, or the abused sim- parliament. Yet it is admitted, that the sheriffs plicity of a
JUNIUS. obeyed the laws, and performed their duty.* The
return they made must have been legal and valid, or
undoubtedly they would have been censured for LETTER XI.
making it. With every good-natured allowance for TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. your grace's youth and inexperience, there are some MY LORD,
April 24, 1769.
things which you cannot but know. You cannot but
know, that the right of the freeholders to adhere to The system you seem to have adopted when lord
their choice (even supposing it improperly exerted) Chatham unexpectedly left you at the head of af
was as clear and indisputable as that of the house of fairs, gave us no promise of that uncommon exertion
commons to exclude one of their own members. Nor of vigor which has since illustrated your character,
is it possible for you not to see the wide distance there and distinguished your administration. Far from
is between the negative power of rejecting one man, discovering a spirit bold enough to invade the first
and the positive power of appointing another. The rights of the people, and the first principles of the
right of expulsion, in the most favorable sense, is no constitution, you were scrupulous of exercising even
more than the custom of parliament. The right of those powers with which the executive branch of the
election is the very essence of the constitution. To legislature is legally invested. We have not yet for
violate that right, and much more to transfer it to gotten how long Mr. Wilkes was suffered to appear
any other set of men, is a step leading immediately at large, nor how long he was at liberty to canvass
to the dissolution of all government. So far forth as for the city and county, with all the terrors of an
it operates, it constitutes a house of commons which outlawry hanging over him. Our gracious sovereign
does not represent the people. A house of commons has not yet forgotten the extraordinary care you took
so formed would involve a contradiction, and the of his dignity, and of the safety of his person, when, at a crisis which courtiers affected to call alarming,
grossest confusion of ideas: but there are some min
isters, my lord, whose views can only be answered by you left the metropolis exposed, for two nights to
reconciling absurdities, and making the same propogether, to every species of riot and disorder. The
sition, which is false and absurd in argument, true security of the royal residence from insult was then
in fact. sufficiently provided for in Mr. Conway's firmness,
This measure, my lord, is, however, attended with and lord Weymouth's discretion; while the prime minister of Great Britain, in a rural retirement, and
one consequence favorable to the people, which I am
| persuaded you did not foresee. While the contest in the arms of faded beauty, had lost all memory of
| lay between the ministry and Mr. Wilkes, his situahis sovereign, his country, and himself. In these in-|
|tion and private character gave you advantages over stances you might have acted with vigor, for you hir
ith vigor, for you him, which common candor, if not the memory of would have had the sanction of the laws to support
| your former friendship, should have forbidden you to you: the friends of government might have defend
make use of. To religious men you had an oppored you without shame; and moderate men, who wish
tunity of exaggerating the irregularities of his past well to the peace and good order of society, might have had a pretence for applauding your conduct.
life; to moderate men you held forth the pernicious
consequences of faction. Men who, with this charBut these, it seems, were not occasions worthy of your grace's interposition. You reserved the proofs of
acter, looked no farther than to the object before
them, were not dissatisfied at seeing Mr. Wilkes exyour intrepid spirit for trials of greater hazard and
cluded from parliament. You have now taken care importance; and now, as if the most disgraceful relaxation of the executive authority had given you a
to shift the question; or rather, you have created a claim of credit to indulge in excesses still more dan
new one, in which Mr. Wilkes is no more concerned gerous, you seein determined to compensate amply
than any other English gentleman. You have united
ply this country against you on one grand constitutional for your former negligence, and to balance the nonexecution of the laws with a breach of the constitu
| point, on the decision of which our existence, as a tion. From one extreme you suddenly start to the
free people, absolutely depends. You have asserted, other, without leaving, between the weakness and
not in words, but in fact, that the representation in the fury of the passions, one moment's interval for
| parliament does not depend upon the choice of the the firniness of the understanding.
freeholders. If such a case can possibly happen once These observations, general as they are, might
it may happen frequently ; it may happen always: easily be extended into a faithful history of your
and if three hundred votes, by any mode of reasoning grace's administration, and perhaps may be the em
whatever, can prevail against twelve hundred, the
same reasoning would equally have given Mr. Lutployment of a future hour. But the business of the
trell his seat with ten votes, or even with one. The present moment will not suffer me to look back to a
consequences of this attack upon the constitution series of events, which cease to be interesting or important, because they are succeeded by a measure so
are too plain and palpable, not to alarm the dullest singularly daring, that it excites all our attention, and engrosses all our resentment.
Sir Fletcher Norton, when it was proposed to pun Your patronage of Mr. Luttrell has been crowned
the sheriffs, declared in the house of commons, that they,
in returning Mr. Wilkes, bad done no more than their with success. With this precedent before you, with duty. the principles on which it was established, and with! | The reader is desired to mark this prophecy.
apprehension. I trust you will find that the people, me be permitted to consider your character and coof England are neither deficient in spirit or under- duct, merely as a subject of curious speculation. standing; though you have treated them as if they There is something in both which distinguishes ron, had neither sense to feel or spirit to resent. We have not only from all other ministers, but all other men reason to thank God and our ancestors, that there it is not that you do wrong by design, but that you never yet was a minister in this country who could should never do right by mistake. It is not that stand the issue of such a conflict; and, with every your indolence and your activity have been equally prejudice in favor of your intentions, I see no such misapplied, but that the first uniform principle, ot, abilities in your grace, as should enable you to suc- if I may call it, the genius of your life. should bare ceed in an enterprise, in which the ablest and basest carried you through every possible change and 600of your predecessors have found their destruction. tradiction of conduct, without the momentary impuYou may continue to deceive your gracious master tation or color of a virtue; and that the wildest spirwith false representations of the tem per and condi- it ot inconsistency should never once have betrayed tion of his subjects: you may command a venal vote, you into a wise or honorable action. This, I own, because it is the common established appendage of gives an air of singularity to your fortune, as well as your office: but never hope that the freeholders will to your disposition. Let us look back, together, to a make a tame surrender of their rights; or, that an scene, in which a mind like yours will find nothing English army will join with you in overturning the to repent of. Let us try, my lord, how well you have liberties of their country. They know, that their supported the various relations in which you stood first duty, as citizens, is paramount to all subsequent to your sovereign, your country, your friends, and engagements: nor will they prefer the discipline, or yourself. Give us, if it be possible, some excuse to even the honors of their profession, to those sacred posterity and to ourselves, for submitting to your original rights which belonged to them before they administration. If not the abilities of a great minis were soldiers, and which they claim and possess as the ter, if not the integrity of a patriot, or the fidelity d birth-right of Englishmen.
a friend, show us, at least, the firmness of a man. Return, my lord, before it be too late, to that easy For the sake of your mistress, the lover shall be insipid system which you first set out with. Take spared. I will not lead her into public, as you have back your mistress.* The name of friend may be done; nor will I insult the memory of departed beanfatal to her, for it leads to treachery and persecution. ty. Her sex, which alone made her amiable in your Indulge the people. Attend Newmarket. Mr. Lut- eyes, makes her respectable in mine. trell may agaiu vacate his seat; and Mr. Wilkes, if The character of the reputed ancestors of some not persecuted, will soon be forgotten. To be weak men has made it possible for their descendants to be and inactive is safer than to be daring and criminal : vicious in the extreme, without being degenerate. and wide is the distance between a riot of the popu- | Those of your grace, for instance, left no distressing lace and a convulsion of the whole kingdom. You examples of virtue even to their legitimate posterity: may live to make the experiment, but no honest man and you may look back with pleasure to an illuscan wish you should survive it.
trious pedigree, in which heraldry has not left a sinJUNIUS. gle good quality upon record to insult or upbraid
you. You have better proofs of your descent, my
lord, than the register of a marriage, or apy troubleLETTER XII.
some inheritance of reputation. There are some
hereditary strokes of character, by which a family TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON.
may be as clearly distinguished, as by the blackest MY LORD,
May 30, 1769. features of the human face. Charles the First lived If the measures in which you have been most
and died a hypocrite. Charles the Second was a successful had been supported by any tolerable ap-ny
hypocrite of another sort, and should have died upon pearance of arguments, I should have thought my time
the same scaffold. At the distance of a century, we not ill employed in continuing to examine your con
see their different characters happily revived and duct as a minister, and stating it fairly to the public.
blended in your grace. Sullen and severe without But when I see questions of the highest national im
religion, profligate without gayety, you live like portance carried as they have been, and the first prin
Charles the Second, without being an amiable comciples of the constitution openly violated, without ar
panion; and, for aught I know, may die as his father gument or decency, I confess I give up the cause in
did, without the reputation of a martyr. despair. The meanest of your predecessors had abili
ors had abili) You had already taken your degrees with credit, ties sufficient to give a color to their measures. If in those schools in which the English nobility at they invaded the rights of the people they did not formed to virtue, when you were introduced to 10 dare to offer a direct insult to their understanding:
Chatham's protection.* From Newmarket, White's and in former times, the most venal parliaments,
and the opposition, he gave you to the world with an made it a condition, in their bargain with the minis
air of popularity, which young men usually set out ter, that he should furnish them with some plausible
with, and seldom preserve: grave and plausible pretences for selling their country and themselves.
enough to be thought fit for business; too young for You have had the merit of introducing a more com
| treachery; and, in short, a patriot of no unpromising pendious system of government and logic. You neith
expectations. Lord Chatham was the earliest object er address yourself to the passions nor the understand
of your political wonder and attachment; yet you ing, but simply to the touch. You apply yourself
Ho deserted him, upon the first hopes that offered of an immediately to the feelings of your friends; who,
* equal share of power with lord Rockingham. When contrary to the forms of parliament never enter the late duke of Cumberland's arst negotiation be heartily into a debate until they have divided.
and when the favorite was pushed to the last exRelinquishing, therefore, all idle views of amend
s tremity, you saved him, by joining with an adminas ment to your grace, or of benefit to the public, let
| tration, in which lord Chatham had refused to en
gage. Still, however, he was your friend : and you * The duke, about this time, had separated himself from are yet to explain to the world, why you consen Anne Parsons ; but proposed to continue united with her to act without him : or why, after uniting wild on some platonic terms of friendship, which she rejected with contempt. His baseness to this woman is beyond To understand these passages, the reader is retete description or belief.
to a noted pamphlet, called. The History of the Minori
Rockingham, you deserted and betrayed him. You / Your grace's public conduct, as a minister, is bu complained that no measures were taken to satisfy the counterpart of your private history; the same iuyour patron; and that your friend, Mr. Wilkes, who consistency, the same contradictions. In America had suffered so much for the party, had been aban- we trace you, from the first opposition to the stamp doned to his fate. They have since contributed, not act, on principles of convenience, to Mr. Pitt's sur& little, to your present plenitude of power; yet, I render of the right; then forward to lord Rockingthink, lord Chatham has less reason than ever to be ham's surrender of the fact; then back again to lord satisfied: and, as for Mr. Wilkes, it is, perhaps, the Rockingham's declaration of the right; then forward greatest misfortune of his life, that you should have to taxation with Mr. Townshend; and, in the last so many compensations to make in the closet for instance, from the gentle Conway's undetermined your former friendship with him. Your gracious discretion, to blood and compulsion with the duke of master understands your character, and makes you a Bedford : yet, if we may believe the simplicity of persecutor because you have been a friend.
lord North's eloquence, at the opening of the next Lord Chatham formed his last administration upon session, you are once more to be the patron of Amerprinciples which you certainly concurred in, or you ica. Is this the wisdom of a great minister, or is it could never have been placed at the head of the the oninous vibration of a pendulum ? Had you no treasury. By deserting those principles, or by acting opinion of your own, my lord? Or was it the gratin direct contradiction to them, in which he foundification of betraying every party with which you you were secretly supported in the closet, you soon have been united, and of deserting every political forced him to leave you to yourself, and to withdraw | principle in which you had concurred ? his name from an administration which had been | Your enemies may turn their eyes without regret formed on the credit of it. You had then a prospect from this admirable system of provincial çorernof friendships better suited to your genius, and more ment. They will find gratification enough in the likely to fix your disposition. Marriage is the point survey of your domestic and foreign policy. on which every rake is stationary at last: and truly If, instead of disowning lord Shelburne, the British ny lord, you may well be weary of the circuit you had interposed with dignity and firmness, you know, have taken ; for you have now fairly travelled my lord, that Corsica would never have been invaded. through every sign in the political zodiac, from the The French saw the weakness of a distracted miniscorpion, in which you stung lord Chatham, to the try, and were justified in treating you with conhopes of a virgin* in the house of Bloomsbury. tempt. They would probably have yielded, in the One would think that you had had sufficient ex- first instance, rather than hazard a rupture with this serience of the trailty of nuptial engagements, or, at country; but being once engaged, they cannot reeast, that such a friendship as the duke of Bedford's treat without dishonor. Common sense foresees connight have been secured to you by the auspicious sequences which have escaped your grace's penetranarriage of your late duchesst with his nephew. tion. Either we suffer the French to make an acquiBut ties of this tender nature cannot be drawn too sition, the importance of which you have probably lose ; and it may possibly be a part of the duke of no conception of; or we oppose them by an underBedford's ambition, after making her an honest wo-hand management, which only disgraces us in the nan, to work a miracle of the same sort upon your eyes of Europe, without answering any purpose of Tace. This worthy nobleman has long dealt in policy or prudence. From secret, indirect assisirtue: there has been a large consumption of it in tance, a transition to some more open, decisive measis own family; and, in the , way of traffic, I dare ures, becomes unavoidable: till, at last, we find ouray, he has bought and sold more than half the repre- selves principal in the war, and are obliged to hazentative integrity of the nation.
ard everything for an object, which might have origIn a political view, this union is not imprudent. inally been obtained without expense or danger. The favor of princes is a perishable conimodity. You I am not versed in the politics of the north ; but this, lave now a strength sufficient to command the closet, I believe, is certain; that half the money you have nd if it be necessary to betray one friendship more, distributed to carry the expulsion of Mr. Wilkes, or ou may set even lord Bute at defiance. Mr. Stewart even your secretary's share in the last subscription, ['Kenzie may possibly remember what use the duke would have kept the Turks at your devotion. Was it f Bedford usually makes of his power; and our gra- economy my lord ? or did the coy resistance you have ious sovereign, I doubt not, rejoices at this first ap- constantly met with in the British senate make you earance of union among his servants. His late ma- despair of corrupting the divan ? Your friends, insty, under the happy influence of a family con- deed, have the first claim upon your bounty: but if ection between his ministers, was relieved from 5001. a year can be spared in a pension to Sir John ures of the government. A more active prince may, Moore, it would not have disgraced you to have alerhaps, observe with suspicion by what degrees lowed something to the secret service of the public. n artful serpent grows upon his master, from the You will say, perhaps, that the situation of affairs rst unlimited professions of duty and attachment, at home demanded and engrossed the whole of your
the painful representation of the necessity of the attention. Here, I confess, you have been active. »yal service, and soon in regular progression, to the An amiable, accomplished prince, ascends the throne umble insolence of dictating in all the obsequious under the happiest of all auspices, the acclamations orms of peremptory' submission. The interval is and united affections of his subjects. The first measarefully employed in forming connections, creating ures of his reign, and even the odium of a favorite, aterests, collecting a party, and laying the foundation were not able to shake their attachment. Your ser( double marriages; until the deluded prince, who vices, my lord, have been more successful. Since you hought he had found a creature prostituted to his were permitted to take the lead, we have seen the ervice, and insignificant enough to be always de- natural effects of a system of government at once endent upon his pleasure, finds him, at last, too both odious and contemptible. We have seen the rong to be commanded, and too formidable to be laws sometimes scandalously relaxed, sometimes moved.
violently stretched beyond their tone. We have seen * His grace had lately married miss Wrottesly, niece of the person of the sovereign insulted; and, in proje rood Gertrnde, duchess of Bedford.
found peace, and with an undisputed title, the fidelity + Miss Liddel, after her divorce from the duke, married
led of his subjects brought by his own serrants into pubird Upper Ossory.