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per, lest the world should suspect that conscience spoken daggers to him, you may justly dreaa une use has some share in your resentments. You have of them against your own breast, did a want of courmore to fear from the treachery of your own passions, age, or of noble sentiments, stimulate him to such than from any malevolence of mine.

mean revenge. He is above it; he is brave. Do you I believe, sir, you will never know me. A con- fancy that your own base arts have infected our siderable time must certainly elapse before we are whole island? But your own reflections, your own personally acquainted. You need not, however, re-conscience, must, and will, if you have any spark of gret the delay, or suffer an apprehension, that any humanity remaining, give him most ample vengeance. length of time can restore you to the Christian meek- Not all the power of words with which you are so ness of your temper, and disappoint your present in- graced, will ever wash out, or even palliate, this foul dignation. If I understand your character, there is blot in your character. I have not time, at present, in your own breast a repository, in which your re- to dissect your letter so minutely as I could wish; sentments may be safely laid up for future occasions, but I will be bold enough to say, that it is (as to and preserved without the hazard of diminution. reason and argument) the most extraordinary piece The odia in longum jacens, quce reconderet, auctaque of florid impotence that was ever imposed upon the proreret, I thought had only belonged to the worst eyes and ears of the too credulous and deluded mob. character of antiquity. The text is in Tacitus: you It accuses the duke of Bedford of high treason. Upon know best where to look for the commentary. what foundation? You tell us, "the duke's pecu


niary character makes it more than probable, that he could not have made such sacrifices at the peace,

without some private compensations. that his conLETTER XXVI.

duct carried with it an interior evidence, beyond all

the legal proofs of a court of justice." A WORD AT PARTING TO JUNIUS. *SIR,

My academical education, sir, bids me tell you, October 7, 1769.

that it is necessary to establish the truth of your first As you have not favored me with either of the proposition, hefore you presume to draw inferences explanations demanded of you, I can have nothing from it. First prove the avarice, before you make more to say to you upon my own account. Your the rash, hasty, and most wicked conclusion. This mercy to me, or tenderness for yourself, has been father, Junius, whom you call avaricious, allowed very great. The public will judge of your motives. that son eight thousand pounds a year. Upon his Il your excess of modesty forbids you to produce most unfortunate death, which your usual goodeither the proofs or yourself, I will excuse it. Take nature took care to remind him of, he greatly incourage, I have not the temper of Tiberius, any more creased the jointure of the afflicted lady his widow. than the rank or power. You indeed, are a tyrant Is this avarice? Is this doing good by stealth? It of another sort; and upon your political bed of tor- is upon record. ture, can excruciate any subject, from a first minister If exact order, method, and true economy, as a masdown to such a grub or butterfly as myself; like an- ter as of a family; if splendor, and just magnificence other detested tyrant of antiquity, can make the without wild waste and thoughtless extravagance, wretched sufferer fit the bed, if the bed will not fit may constitute the character of an avaricious man, the sufferer, by disjointing or tearing the trembling the duke is guilty. But, for a moment let us admit limbs, until they are stretched to its extremity. But the ambassador may love money too much : what Bourage, constancy, and patience under torments, I proof do you give that he has taken any to betray have sometimes caused the most hardened monsters his country? Is it hearsay, or the evidence of letto relent, and forgive the object of their cruelty. ters, or ocular; or the evidence of those concerned in You, sir, are determined to try all that human nature this black affair? Produce your authorities to the an endure, until she expires; else, was it possible public. It is the most impudent kind of sorcery, to hat you could be the author of that most inhuman attempt to blind us with the smoke, without conletter to the duke of Bedford, I have read with as- vincing us that the fire has existed. You first brand onishment and horror? Where, sir, where were the him with a vice that he is free from, to render him eelings of your own heart, when you could upbraid a odious and suspected. Suspicion is the foul weapon nost affectionate father with the loss of his only and with which you make all your chief attacks; with nost amiable son? Read over again those cruel that you stab. But shall one of the first subjects of ines of yours, and let them wring your very soul! the realm be ruined in his fame, shall even his life annot political questions be discussed, without de- be in constant danger, from a charge built upon such cending to the most odious personalities? Must sandy foundations? Must his house be besieged by rou go wantonly out of your way to torment declin-lawless ruffians, his journeys impeded, and even the ng age, because the duke of Bedford may have asylum of an alter be insecure from assertions so base |uarrelled with those whose cause and politics you and false? Potent as he is, the duke is amenable to spouse? For shame! for shame! As you have justice; if guilty, punishable. The parliament is the

high and solemn tribunal for matters of such great * Measures and not men, is the common cant of affected noderation: a base counterfeit language, fabricated by

moment: to that be they submitted. But I hope, also, naves, and made current among fools. Such gentle that some notice will be taken of, and some punishensure is not fitted to the present degenerate state of ment inflicted upon, false accusers; especially upon ociety. What does it avail to expose the absurd conrivance, or pernicious tendency of measures, if the man

such, Junius, who are wilfully false. In any truth I rbo advises or executes, shall be suffered, not only to will agree even with Junius; will agree with him scape with impunity, but even to preserve his power, that it is highly unbecoming the dignity of peers to nd insult us with the favor of his sovereign? I would

tamper with boroughs. Aristocracy is as fatal as ecommend to the reader the whole of Mr. Pope's letter

Dr. Arbuthnot, dated July 26, 1734, from which the fol- democracy. Our constitution admits of neither. It owing is an extract: "To reform, and not to chastise, I loves a king, lords, and commons, really chosen by m afraid, is impossible; and that the best precepts, as rell as the best laws, would prove of small use, if there rere no examples to enforcé ther. To attack' vices in ruption only shifts hands, if the wealthy commoner he abstract, without touching persons, may be safe gives the bribe instead of the potent peer, is the stato ghting, indeed, but it is fighting with shadows. My better served by this exchange? Is the real emanreatest comfort and encouragement to proceed has een to see, that those who have no shame, and no fear

Pcipation of the borough effected, because new parchf any thing else, have appeared touched by my satires." ment bonds may possibly supersede the old ? To


say the truth, wherever such practices prevail, they mine? Had he been a father, he would have been are equally criminal to, and destructive of, our free- but little offended with the severity of the reproach dom.

for his mind would have been filled with the justice The rest of your declamation is scarce worth con- of it. He would have seen, that I did not insult the sidering, except for the elegance of the language. feelings of a father, but the father who felt nothing Like Hamlet, in the play, you produce two pictures : He would have trusted to the evidence of his own you tell us, that one is not like the duke of Bedford ; paternal heart, and boldly denied the possibility o then you bring a most hideous caricature, and tell us the fact, instead of defending it. Against whom. of the resemblance; but multum abludit imago.

then, will his honest indignation be directed, when I All your long tedious accounts of the ministerial assure him, that this whole town beheld the duke of quarrels, and the intrigues of the cabinet, are reduci- | Bedford's conduct, upon the death of his son, with ble to a few short lines; and to convince you, sir, that horror and astonishment ? Sir William Draper does I do not mean to tlatter any minister, either past or himself but little honor in opposing the general sense present, these are my thoughts: they seem to have of his country. The people are seldom wrong in their acted like lovers, or children; have* pouted, quar- opinions; in their sentiments they are never mistaken. relled, cried, kissed, and been friends again, as the There may be a vanity, perhaps, in a singular way of objects of desire, the ministerial rattles have been thinking: but, when a man professes a want of the put into their hands. But such proceedings are very feelings which do honor to the multitude, he hazards unworthy of the gravity and dignity of a great nation. something infinitely more important than the charWe do not want men of abilities, but we have wanted acter of his understanding. After all, as sir William steadiness: we want unanimity; your letters, Junius, may possibly be in earnest in his anxiety for the duke will not contribute thereto. You may one day expire of Bedford, I should be glad to relieve him from it. by a flame of your own kindling. But it is my hum- He may rest assured, this worthy nobleman laugtis. ble opinion, that lenity and moderation, pardon and with equal indifference, at my reproaches, and sir oblivion, will disappoint the efforts of all the seditious William's distress about him. But here let it stop in the land, and extinguish their wide-spreading fires. Even the duke of Bedford, insensible as he is, will I have lived with this sentiment; with this I shall die. consult the tranquillity of his life, in not provoking WILLIAM DRAPER. the moderation of my temper. If from the pro

foundest contempt, I should ever rise into anger, he

should soon find, that all I have already said of him LETTER XXVII.

was lenity and compassion. TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. Out of a long catalogue, sir William Draper has SIR,

October 13, 1769. confined himself to the refutation of two charges only. If sir William Draper's bed be a bed of tortures, The rest he had not time to discuss; and, indeed, it he has made it for himself. I shall never interrupt his would have been a laborious undertaking. To draw repose. Having changed the subject, there are parts up a defense of such a series of enormities, would have of his last letter not undeserving of a reply. Leav- required a life, at least, as long as that which has ing his private character and conduct out of the ques- been uniformly employed in the practice of them. tion, I shall consider him merely in the capacity of The public opinion of the duke of Bedford's extreme an author, whose labors certainly do no discredit to a economy is, it seems, entirely without foundation newspaper.

Though not very prodigal abroad, in his own family, We say, in common discourse, that a man may be at least, he is regular and magnificent. He pays his his own enemy; and the frequency of the fact makes debts, abhors a beggar, and makes a handsome provithe expression intelligible. But that a man should sion for his son. His charity has improved upon the be the bitterest enemy of his friends, implies a con- proverb, and ended where it began. . Admitting the tradiction of a peculiar nature. There is something whole force of this single instance of his domestic in it, which cannot be conceived, without a confusion generosity, (wonderful, indeed, considering the nårof ideas, nor expressed, without a solecism in lan- rowness of his fortune, and the little merit of his guage. Sir William Draper is still that fatal friend only son) the public may still, perhaps, be dissatisfied lord Granby found him. "Yet, I am ready to do jus- and demand some other less equivocal proofs of his itice to his generosity; if, indeed, it be not something munificence. Sir William Draper should have entered more than generous, to be the voluntary advocate ot| boldly into the detail of indigence relieved, of arts men, who think themselves injured by his assistance, | encouraged, of science patronised, men of learning and to consider nothing in the cause he adopts, but protected, and works of genius rewarded. In short, the difficulty of defending it. I thought, however, had there been a single instance, besides Mr. Rigbr.* he had been better read in the history of the humån of blushing merit, brought forward by the duke for heart, than to compare or confound the tortures of the the service of the public, it should not have been body with those of the mind. He ought to have omitted. known, though, perhaps, it might not be his interest I wish it were possible to establish my inference with to confess, that no outward tyranny can reach the the same certainty on which I believe the principle is mind. If conscience plays the tyrant, it would be founded My conclusion, however, was not drawn from greatly for the benefit of the world that she were the principle alone. I am not so unjust as to reason from more arbitrary, and far less placable, than some men one crime to another: though I think that, of all the find her.

vices, avarice is most apt to taint and corrupt the But it seems I have outraged the feelings of a heart. I combined the known temper of the man. father's heart. Am I, indeed, so injudicious ? Does with the extravagant concessions made by the ambas sir William Draper think I would have hazarded my sador; and though I doubt not sufficient care fus credit with a generous nation, by so gross a violation taken to leave no document of any treasonable nego of the laws of humanity? Does he think I am so tiation, I still maintain that the conductt of this little acquainted with the first and noblest character- * This gentleman is supposed to have the same idea of istic of Englishmen? Or, how will he reconcile such blushing, that a man, blind from his birth, bas of scarlet folly with an understanding so full of artifice as or sky blue.

+ If sir W. D will take the trouble of looking into * Sir William gives us a pleasant account of men, who, Torey's Memoirs, he will see with what little ceremony a in his opinion at least, are the best qualified to govern an bribe may be offered to a duke, and with what little cere empire.

mony it was only not accepted

minister carries with it an internal and convincing

LETTER XXIX. evidence against him. Sir William Draper seems not

He will ADDRESSED TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERISER. to know the value or force of such a proof. He will ADD not permit us to judge of the motives of men, by the SIR,

October 19, 1769. manifest tendency of their actions, nor by the noto- I am well assured that Junius will never descend rious character of their minds. He calls for papers to a dispute with such a writer as Modestus (whose and witnesses with triumphantsecurity, as if nothing letter appeared in the Gazetteer of Monday), especicould be true but what could be proved in a court of ally as the dispute must be chiefly about words. justice. Yet a religious man might have remembered Notwithstanding the partiality of the public, it does upon what foundation some truths, most interesting not appear that Junius values himself upon any to mankind, have been received and established. If superior skill in composition: and I hope his time it were not for the internal evidence which the purest will always be more usefully employed than in the of religions carries with it, what would have become trifling refinements of verbal criticism. Modestus, of his once well-quoted decalogue, and of the meek- however, shall have no reason to triumph in the ness of his Christianity ?

silence and moderation of Junius. If he knew as The generous warmth of his resentment makes him much of the propriety of language, as, I believe, he confound the order of events. He forgets, that the does of the facts in question, he would have been as insults and distresses which the duke of Bedford has cautious of attacking Junius upon his composition, suffered, and which sir William has lamented, with as he seems to be of entering into the subject of it: many delicate touches of the true pathetic, were only yet, after all, the last is the only article of any imrecorded in my letter to his grace, not occasioned by portance to the public. it. It was a simple, candid narrative of facts; though, I do not wonder at the unremitted rancor with for aught I know, it may carry with it something which the duke of Bedford and his adherents invariprophetic. His grace, undoubtedly, has received sev- ably speak of a nation, which we well kuow has been eral ominous hints; and, I think, in certain circum- too much injured to be easily forgiven. But why stances, a wise man would do well to prepare himself, must Junius be an Irishman? The absurdity of his for the event.

writings betrays him. Waiving all consideration of the But I have a charge of a heavier nature against sir insult offered by Modestus to the declared judgment William Draper. He tells us, that the duke of Bed- of the people (they may well bear this amongst the ford is amenable to justice; that parliament is a high rest), let us follow the several instances, and try and solemn tribunal; and that, if guilty, he may be whether the charge be fairly supported. punished by due course of law; and all this he says 1. Then, the leaving a man to enjoy such a repose with as much gravity as if he believed every word of as he can find upon a bed of torture, is severe indeed ; the matter. I hope, indeed, the day of impeachments perhaps too much so, when applied to such a trifler will arrive before this nobleman escapes out of life; but as sir William Draper; but there is nothing absurd to refer us to that mode of proceeding now, with such a either in the idea or expression. Modestus cannot ministry, and such a house of commons as the present, distinguish between a sarcasm and a contradiction. what is it, but an indecent mockery of the common 2. I affirm, with Junius, that it is the frequency of sense of the nation? I think he might have con the fact which alone can make us comprehend how a tented himselt with defending the greatest enemy, | man can be his own enemy. We should never arrive without insulting the distresses of his country. at the complex idea conveyed hy those words, if we

His concluding declaration of his opinion, with res had only seen one or two instances of a man acting pect to the present condition of affairs, is too loose to his own prejudice. Offer the proposition to a and undetermined to be of any service to the public. child or a man unused to compound his ideas, and How strange is it that this gentleman should dedi- you will soon see how little either of them undercate so much time and argument to the defense of stand you. It is not a simple idea arising from worthless or indifferent characters, while he gives but a single fact, but a very complex idea arising from seven solitary lines to the only subject which can de- many facts, well observed, and accurately compared. serve his attention, or do credit to his abilities!

3. Modestus could not, without great affectation, JUNIUS.

mistake the meaning of Junius, when he speaks of a man, who is the bitterest enemy of his friends. He could not but know, that Junius spoke not of a false

or hollow friendship, but a real intention to serve, LETTER XXVIII.

and that intention producing the worst effects of

enmity. Whether the description bestrictly applicaTO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER.

ble to sir William Draper, is another question. Ju

nius does not say, that it is more criminal for a man SIR,

October 19, 1769. I to be the enemy of his friends than his own; though I very sincerely applaud the spirit with which a he might have affirmed it with truth. In a moral lady has paid the debt of gratitude to her benefactor. | light, a man may certainly take greater liberties Though I think she has mistaken the point, she with himself, than with another. To sacrifice ourshows a virtue which makes her respectable. The selves merely, is a weakness we may indulge in, if question turned upon the personal generosity or we think proper, for we do it at our own hazard and avarice of a man, whose private fortune is immense. expense; but, under the pre ence of friendship, to The proofs of his munificence must be drawn from sport with the reputation, or sacrifice the honor, of the uses to which he has applied that fortune. I was another, is something worse than weakness; and if, not speaking of a lord lieutenant of Ireland, but of a in favor of the foolish intention, we do not call it a rich English duke, whose wealth gave him the means crime, we must allow, at least, that it arises from an of doing as much good in this country, as he derived overweening, busy, meddling impudence. Junius from his power in another. I am far from wishing to says only, and he says truly, that it is more extraorlessen the merit of this single benevolent action; per- dinary ; that it involves a greater contradiction than haps it is the more conspicuous, from standing alone. the other; and, is it not a maxim received in life, All I mean to say is, that it proves nothing in the that, in general, we can determine more wisely for present argument.

others than for ourselves? The reason of it is so JUNIUS. clear in argument, that it hardly wants the confirni

ation of experience Sir William Draper, I confess, Modestus conld read the original, he would see, that is an exception to the general rule, though not much the expression not only accepted, was, probably, the to his credit.

only one in our language that exactly fitted the case. 4. If this gentleman will go back to his ethics, he The bribe offered to the duke of Marlborough was may, perhaps, discover the truth of what Junius says, not refused. That no outward tyranny can reach the mind. The tor- ! I cannot conclude without taking notice of this tures of the body may be introduced, by way of orna- houest gentleman's learning, and wishing he had ment or illustration, to represent those of the mind; given us a little more of it. When he accidentally but, strictly, there is no similitude between them: found himself so near speaking truth, it was rather they are totally different, both in their cause and unfair of him to leave out the non potuisse refelli. A: operation. The wretch who suffers upon the rack is it stands, the pudet hæc opprobra may be divided merely passive: but, when the mind is tortured, it is equally between Mr. Rigby and the duke of Bedford. not at the command of any outward power; it is the Mr. Rigby, I take for granted, will assert his natural sense of guilt which constitutes the punishment, and right to the modesty of the quotation, and leave all the creates that torture, with which the guilty mind acts opprobrium to his grace. PHILO JUNIUS. upon itself.

5. He misquotes what Junius says of conscience, and makes the sentence ridiculous, by making it his


TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER So much for composition. Now for fact. Junius,


October 17, 178. it seems, has mistaken the duke of Bedford. His

It is not wonderful that the great cause in grace had all the proper feelings of a father, though he took care to suppress the appearance of them. Yet

which this country is engaged, should have roused

and engrossed the whole attention of the peuple. it was an occasion, one would think, on which he

I rather admire the generous spirit with which they need not have been ashamed of his grief; on which

feel and assert their interest in this important ques less fortitude would have done him more honor. I

tion, than blame them for their indifference about wii conceive, indeed, a benevolent motive for his

any other. When the constitution is openly invaded, endeavoring to assume an air of tranquillity in his

when the first original right of the people, from own family; and I wish I could discover any thing, in

which all laws derive their authority, is directly the rest of his character, to justify my assigning that motive to his behavior. But is there no medium ?

attacked, inferior grievances naturally lose their force,

and are suffered to pass by without punishment or Was it necessary to appear abroad, to ballot at the India-House, and make a public display, though it

observation. The present ministry are as singularly

marked by their fortune, as their crimes. Instead of were only of an apparent insensibility ? I know we

atoning for their former conduct, by any wise or are treading on tender ground ; and Jupius, I am convinced, does not wish to urge this question far

popular measure, they have found, in the enormity ther. Let the friends of the duke of Bedford observe

of one fact, a cover and defense for a series of meas

ures, which must have been fatal to any other adminthat humble silence which becomes their situation. They should recollect, that there are still some facts

istration. I fear we are too remiss in observing the

whole of their proceedings. Struck with the princiin store at which human nature would shudder. I shall be understood by those whom it concerns, when

| pal figure, we do not sufficiently mark in what

manner the canvass is filled up. Yet surely it is I say, that these facts go farther than to the duke.*

not a less crime, por less fatal in its consequences, to It is not inconsistent to suppose, that a man may

encourage a flagrant breach of the law, by a military be quite indifferent about one part of a charge, yet

force, than to make use of the forms of parliament to severely stung with another; and though he feels no

destroy the constitution.—The ministry seemed deremorse, that he may wish to be revenged. The

termined to give us a choice of difficulties, and, if charge of insensibility carries a reproach, indeed, but

possible, to perplex us with the multitude of their no danger with it. Junius had said, There are

offenses. The expedient is worthy of the duke of others who would assassinate. Modestus, knowing

Grafton. But though he has preserved a gradation his man, will not suffer the insinuation to be divided,

and variety in his measures, we should remember but fixes it all upon the duke of Bedford.

that the principle is uniform. Dictated by the same Without determining upon what evidence Junius

spirit, they deserve the same attention. The follor. would choose to be condemned, I will venture to

ing fact though of the most alarming nature, has maintain, in opposition to Modestus, or to Mr. Rigby,

Modestus, or to Mr. Rigby, not yet been clearly stated to the public; nor have (who is certainly not Modestus) or any of the Blooms

the consequences of it been sufficiently understood.bury gang, that the evidence against the duke of Had I taken it up at an earlier period, I should have Bedford is as strong as any presumptive evidence been accused of an uncandid, malignant precipitation, can be. It depends upon a combination of facts and as if I watched for an unfair advantage against the reasoning, which require no confirmation from the ministry, and would not allow them a reasonable anecdote of the duke of Marlborough. This anec- l time to do their duty. They now stand without exdote was referred to, merely to show how ready al cuse. Instead of employing the leisure they have great man may be to receive a great bribe; and if I had, in a strict examination of the offense, and pan

| ishing the offenders, they seem to have considered * Within a fortnight after lord Tavistock's death, the venerable Gertrude had a rout at Bedford house. The that indulgence as a security to them; that, with a good duke (who had only sixty thousand pounds a year) ordered an inventory to be taken of bis son's wearing apparel, down to his slippers, sold them all, and put the money in his pocket. The amiable marchioness, shocked

A major general* of the army is arrested by the at such brutal, unfeeling avarice, gave the value of the clothes to the marquis's servant, out of her own purse. them to conduct him to the Tilt-yard, in St. James's That incomparable woman did not long survive her hus

al Park, under some pretence of business, which it imband. When she died, the duchess of Bedford treated her as the duke had treated his only son: she ordered ported him to settle before he was confined. He apevery gown and trinket to be sold, and pocketed the plies to a serjeant, not immediately on duty, to assist, money. These are the monsters whom sir William Dra- with some of his companions, in favoring his esta per comes forward to defend. May God protect me from doing any thing that may require such defense, or to descrve such friendship.

* Major-general Gansel.

He attempts it. A bustle ensues. The bailiffs claim With respect to the parties themselves, let it be oh their prisoner.

served, that these gentlemen are neither young offiAn officer of the guards,t not then on duty, takes cers, nor very young men. Had they belonged to the part in the affair, applies to the lieutenant Icommand-unfledged race of onsigns, who infest our streets, and ing the Tilt-yard guard, and urges him to turn out dishonor our public places, it might, perhaps, be sufhis guard to relieve a general officer. The lieutenant ficient to send them back to that discipline from declines interfering in person, but stands at a distance, which their parents, judging lightly from the matuand suffers the business to be done. The officer takes rity of their vices, had removed them too soon. In upon himself to order out th: guard. In a moment this case, I am sorry to see, not so much the folly of they are in arms, quit their guard, march, rescue the youths, as the spirit of the corps, and the connivance general, and drive away the sheriff's officers, who, in of government. I do not question that there are vain, represent their right to the prisoner, and the many brave and worthy officers in the regiments of nature of the arrest. The soldiers first conduct the guards. But considering them as a corps, I fear, it general into the guard-room, then escort him to a will be found, that they are neither good soldiers nor place of safety, with bayonets fixed, and in all the good subjects. Far be it from me to insinuate the forms of military triumph. I will not enlarge upon most distant reflection upon the army. On the conthe various circumstances which attended this atroci-trary, I honor and esteem the profession ; and, if ous proceeding. The personal injury received by the these gentlemen were better soldiers, I am sure they officers of the law, in the execution of their duty, would be better subjects. It is not that there is any may, perhaps, be atoned for by some private compen- internal vice or defect in the profession itself, as regusation. I consider nothing but the wound which has lated in this country, but that it is the spirit of this been given to the law itself, to which no remedy has particular corps to despise their profession : and that, been applied, no satisfaction made. Neither is it my while they vainly assume the lead of the army, they design to dwell upon the misconduct of the parties make it matter of impertinent comparison, and triconcerned, any farther than is necessary to show the umph over the bravest troops in the world (I mean behavior of the ministry in its true light. I would our marching regiments) that they, indeed, stand upon make every compassionate allowance for the infatua- higher ground, and are privileged to neglect the tion of the prisoner, the false and criminal discretion laborious forms of military discipline and duty. of one officer, and the madness of another. I would Without dwelling longer upon a most invidious subleave the ignorant soldiers entirely out of the ques-ject, I shall leave it to military men, who have seen tion. They are certainly the least guilty ; though a service more active than the parade, to determine they are the only persons who have yet suffered, even whether or no I speak truth. in the appearance of punishment.* The fact itself, How far this dangerous spirit has been encouraged however atrocious, is not the principal point to be by government, and to what pernicious purposes it considered. It might have happened under a more may be applied hereafter, well deserves our most seriregular government, and with guards better discip- ous consideration. I know, indeed, that, when this lined than ours. The main question is, In what man- affair happened, an affectation of alarm ran through ner have the ministry acted on this extraordinary the ministry. Something must be done to save apoccasion ? A general officer calls upon the king's pearances. The case was too flagrant to be passed by own guard, then actually on duty, to rescue him from absolutely without notice. But how have they acted ? the laws of his country: yet, at this moment, huis in Instead of ordering the officers concerned (and who, a situation no worse than if he had not committed an strictly speaking, are alone guilty) to be put under offense equally enormous in a civil and military view. arrest, and brought to trial, they would have it unA lieutenant upon duty designedly quits his guard, derstood, that they did their duty completely, in conand suffers it to be drawn out by another officer, for fining a serjeant and four private soldiers, until they a purpose, which he well knew (as we may collect should be demanded by the civil power: so that from an appearance of caution, which only makes his while the officers, who ordered or permitted the thing behavior the more criminal) to be in the highest de- to be done, escaped without censure, the poor men, gree illegal. Has this gentleman been called to a who obeyed these orders, who, in a military view, are court martial to answer for his conduct ? No. Has no way responsible for what they did, and who for it been censured ? No. Has it been in any shape in that reason, have been discharged by the civil magisquired into ? No. Another lieutenant, not upon trates, are the only objects whom the ministry have duty, nor even in his regimentals, is daring enough to thought proper to expose to punishment. They did order out the king's guard, over which he had prop- not venture to bring even these men to a court marerly no command, and engages them in a violation of tial, because they knew their evidence would be the laws of his country, perhaps the most singular fatal to some persons whom they were determined to and extravagant that ever was attempted. What protect; otherwise, I doubt not, the lives of these unpunishment has he suffered ? Literally none. Sup- happy, friendless soldiers, would long since have been posing he should be prosecuted at common law for sacrificed without scruple, to the security of their the rescue; will thạt circumstance, from which the guilty officers. ministry can derive no merit, excuse or justify their I have been accused of endeavoring to inflame the suffering so flagrant a breach of military discipline to passions of the people. Let me now appeal to their pass by unpunished and unnoticed? Are they aware understanding. If there be any tool of administraof the outrage offered to their sovereign, when his tion, daring enough to deny these facts, or shaneown proper guard is ordered out to stop, by main less enough to defend the conduct of the ministry, force, the execution of his laws? What are we to let him come forward. I care not under what title conclude from so scandalous a neglect of their duty, he appears. He shall find me ready to maintain the but that they have other views, which can only be truth of my narrative, and the justice of my observaanswered by securing the attachment of the guards? tions upon it, at the hazard of my utmost credit with The minister would hardly be so cautious of offend the public. ing them, if he did not mean, in due time, to call for Under the most arbitrary governments, the comtheir assistance.

| mon administration of justice is suffered to take its

course. The subject, though robbed of his share in + Lieutenant Dodd. # Lieutenant Garth.

the legislature, is still protected by the laws. The * A few of them were confined.

I political freedom of the English constitution was

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