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.decisive personal part you took against them has to the good faith of his own countrymen? Without effectually banished that first distinction from their looking for support in their affections as subjects, he minds.* They consider you as united with your ser-applied only to their honor, as gentlemen, for protecivants against America; and know not how to dis- tion. They received him, as they would your majtinguish the sovereign and a venal parliament on one esty, with bows, and smiles, and falsehood; and kept side, from the real sentiments of the English people him, until they had settled their bargain with the ou the other. Looking forward to independence, English parliament; then basely sold their native they might possibly receive you for their king: but, king to the vengeance of his enemies. This, sir, was if ever you retire to America, be assured they will not the act of a few traitors,' but the deliberate give you such a covenant to digest, as the presbytery treachery of a Scotch parliament, representing the of Scotland would have been ashamed to offer to nation. A wise prince night draw from it two Charles the Second. They left their native land in lessɔns of equal utility to himself. On one side, he search of freedoin, and found it in a desert. Divided might learn to dread the undisguised resentment of a as they are into a thousand forms of policy and relig- generous people, who dare openly assert their rights. ion, there is one point in which they all agree: they and who, in a just cause, are ready to meet their equally detest the pageantry of a king, and the sovereign in the field. On the other side, he would be supercilious hypocrisy of a bishop.
taught to apprehend something far more formidable; It is not then from the alienated affections of Ire-a fawning treachery, against which no prudence can land or America that you can reasonably look for guard, no courage can defend. The insiduous smile assistance: still less from the people of England, who upon the cheek would warn him of the canker in the are actually contending for their rights, and in this heart. great question are parties against you. You are not. From the uses to which one part of the army has however, destitute of every appearance of support: been too frequently applied, you have some reason to you have all the Jacobites, Nonjurors, Roman Catho- expect that there are no services they would refuse. lics, and Tories of this country, and all Scotland, Here, too, we trace the partiality of your understandwithout exception. Considering from what family | ing. You take the sense of the army from the conyou are descended the choice of your friends has duct of the guards, with the same justice with which been singularly directed; and truly, sir, if you had you collect the sense of the people from the represennot lost the Whig interest of England, I should ad- tations of the ministry. Your marching regiments, mire your dexterity in turning the hearts of your sir, will not make the guards their example, either enemies. Is it possible for you to place any confi- as soldiers or subjects. They feel, and resent, as they dence in men, who, before they are faithful to you, ought to do, that invariable, undistinguishing favor must renounce every opinion, and betray every prin- with which the guards are treated ;* while those ciple, both in church and state, which they inherit gallant troops, by whom every hazardous, every from their ancestors, and are confirmed in by their laborious service is performed, are left to perish in education ? whose numbers are so inconsiderable. garrisons abroad, or pine in quarters at home, that they long since have been obliged to give up the neglected and forgotten. If they had no great sense, principles and language which distinguish them as a of the original duty they owe their country, their party, and to fight under the banners of their resentment would operate like patriotism, and leave enemies? Their zeal begins with hypocrisy, and your cause to be defended by those to whom you must conclude in treachery. At first they deceive have lavished the rewards and honors of their proat last they betray.
fession. The Prætorian bands, 'enervated, and deAs to the Scotch, I must suppose your heart and
bauched as they were, had still strength enough to understanding so biassed, from your earliest infancy, awe the Roman populace; but when the distant in their favor, that nothing less than your own mis- | legions took the alarm, they marched to Rome, and fortunes can undeceive you. You will not accept of gave away tbe empire. the uniform experience of your ancestors; and, when On this side then, whichever way you turn your once a man is determined to believe, the very absurd- eyes, you see nothing but perplexity and distress. ity of the doctrine confirms him in his faith. A You may determine to support the very ministry bigoted understanding can draw a proof of attach- who have reduced your affairs to this deplorable situment to the house of Hanover, from a notorious zeal ation: you may shelter yourself under the forms of for the house of Stuart, and find an earnest of future a parliament, and set the people at defiance; but be loyalty in former rebellions. Appearances are, how- assured, sir, that such a resolution would be as imever, in their favor: so strongly, indeed. that one I prudent as it would be odious. If it did not immewould think they had forgotten that you are their diately shake your establishment, it would rob you lawful king, and had mistaken you for a pretender of your peace of mind forever. to the crown. Let it be admitted, then, that the On the other, how different is the prospect! How Scotch are as sincere in their present professions, as if easy, how safe and honorable is the path before you! you were, in reality, not an Englishman, but a Briton The English nation declare they are grossly injured of the North. You would not be the first prince, of by th
by their representatives, and solicit your majesty to their native country, against whom they have re-exert your lawful prerogative, and give them an ophelled, nor the first whom they have baselý betrayed. portunity of recalling a trust, which they find has Have you forgotten, sir, or has your favorite con- been scandalously abused. You are not to be told. cealed from you, that part of our history, when the that the power of the House of Commons is not oriunhappy Charles (and he, too. had private virtues) ginal, but delegated to them for the wellare of the fled from the open, avowed indignation of his Eng. lish subjects, and surrendered himself at discretion
The number of commissioned officers in the guards are to the marching regiments as one to eleven: the
number of regiments given to the guards, compared with clared, "That the spirit of faction had broken out afresbate computation; consequently, the partiality in favor of
those given to the line, is about three to one, at a moderUnix » speeca Or November 8th, 1768, it was de- I those given to the line is a house banda in some of the colonies, and, in one of them, proceeded the guards is as thirty-three to one. So much for the to acts of violence and resistance to the execution of the othcers The private men have fourpence a day to sublaws; tbat Boston was in a state of disobedience to all sist on, and fivo bundred lashes if they desert. Under laws and government, and had proceeded to measures this punishment they frequently expire. With these ensubversive of the constitution, and attended with cir- couragements, it is supposed, they may be depended cumstances tbat manifested a disposition to throw of upon, whenever a certain person thinks it necessary to their dependance on Great Britain.'
butcher bis follow-gubjects.
people, from whom they received it. A question of noble victory over your own. Discard those little right arises between the constituent and representa- personal resentments, which have too long directed tive body. By what authority shall it be decided ? your public conduct. Pardon this man the remainder Will your majesty interfere in a question in which of his punishment; and, if resentment still prevails, you have properly no immediate concern? It would make it, what it should have been long since, an act, be a step equally odious and unnecessary. Shall the not of mercy, but of contempt. He will soon fall lords be called upon to determine the rights and back into his natural station ; a silent senator, and privileges of the Commons ?-They cannot do it, hardly supporting the weekly eloquence of a news without a flagrant breach of the constitution. Or paper. The gentle breath of peace would leave him will you refer it to the judges? They have often on the surface, neglected and unremoved. It is only told your ancestors, that the law of Parliament is the tempest that lifts him from his place. above them. What party then remains, but to leave Without consulting your minister, call together it to the people to determine for themselves? They your whole council. Let it appear to the public, alone are injured ; and, since there is no superior that you can determine and act for yourself. Come power to which the cause can be referred, they alone forward to your people. Lay aside the wretched ought to determine.
formalities of a king, and speak to your subjects with I do not mean to perplex you with a tedious argu- the spirit of a man, and in the language of a gentlement upon a subject already so discussed that in-man. Tell them you have been fatally deceived. spiration could hardly throw a new light upon it. The acknowledgement will be no disgrace, but rather There are, however, two points of view in which it an honor to your understanding. Tell them you are particularly imports your majesty to consider the late determined to remove every cause of complaint proceedings of the house of commons. By depriving against your government; that you will give your à subject of his birthright they have attributed to confidence to no man, who does not possess the contheir own vote an authority equal to an act of the fidence of your subjects; and leave it to themselves whole legislature; and, though perhaps not with the to determine, by, their conduct at a future election, same motives, have strictly followed the example of whether or no it be, in reality, the general sense of the long parliament, which first declared the regal the nation, that their rights have been arbitrarily office useless, and soon after, with as little ceremony, invaded by the present House of Commons, and the dissolved the house of lords. The same pretended constitution betrayed. They will then do justice to power which robs an English subject of his birth-their representatives and to themselves. right, may rob an English king of his crown. In These sentiments, sir, and the style they are conanother view, the resolution of the house of com- veyed in, may be offensive, perhaps, because they are mons, apparently not so dangerous to your majesty, new to you. Accustomed to the language of couris still more alarming to your people. Not contented tiers, you measure their affection by the vehemence with divesting one man of his right, they have arbi- of their expressions; and when they only praise you trarily conveyed that right to another. They have indifferently, you admire their sincerity. But this is set aside a return as illegal, without daring to cen- not a time to trifle with your fortune. They deceive sure those officers who were particularly apprized of you, sir, who tell you that you have many friends, Mr. Wilkes's incapacity, not only by the declaration whose affections are founded upon a principle of of the house, but expressly by the writ directed to personal attachment. The first foundation of friendthem, and who nevertheless returned him as duly ship is not the power of conferring benefits, but the elected. They have rejected the majority of votes, I equality with which they are received, and may be the only criterion by which our laws judge of the returned. The fortune which made you a king, forsense of the people; they have transferred the right bade you to have a friend. It is a law of nature. of election from the collective to the representative which cannot be violated with impunity. The misbody; and by these acts, taken separately or together, taken prince, who looks for friendship, will find a they have essentially altered the original constitu- favorite, and in that favorite the ruin of his affairs. tion of the house of commons. Versed as your maj- The people of England are loyal to the House of esty undoubtedly is in the English history, it can- Hanover; not from a vain preference of one family not easily escape you, how much it is your interest, to another, but from a conviction, that the establishas well as your duty, to prevent one of the three esment of that family was necessary to the support of tates from encroaching upon the province of the their civil and religious liberties. This, sir, is a other two, or assuming the authority of them all. principle of allegiance equally solid and rational, fit When once they have departed from the great con- for Englishmen to adopt, and well worthy of your stitutional line by which all their proceedings should majesty's encouragement. We cannot long be de be directed, who will answer for their future moder- luded by nominal distinctions. The name of Stuart, ation? Or what assurance will they give you, that of itself, is only contemptible; armed with the sotwhen they have trampled upon their equals, they ereign authority, their principles are formidable. will 'submit to a superior? Your majesty may learn The prince who' imitates their conduct, should be hereafter, how nearly the slave and tyrant are allied. warned by their example; and, while he plumes
Some of your council, more candid than the rest, himself upon the security of his title to the crown, admit the abandoned profligacy of the present House should remember, that, as it was acquired by one of Commons, bat oppose their dissolution, upon an revolution, it may be lost by another. JUNITS. opinion, I confess, not very unwarrantable, that their successors would be equally at the disposal of the
LETTER XXXVI. treasury. I cannot persuade myself that the nation
TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. will have profited so little by experience. But, if that opinion were well founded, you might then MY LORD,
February 14, 1TTO. gratify our wishes at an easy rate, and appease the If I were personally your enemy, I might pity and present clamor against your government, without forgive you. You have every claim to compassion offering any material injury to the favorite cause of that can arise from misery and distress. The concorruption.
| dition you are reduced to would disarm a private You have still an honorable part to act. The af- enemy of his resentment, and leave no consolation to fections of your subjects may still be recovered. But the most vindictive spirit, but that such an object as hefore you subdue their hearts, you must gain a l you are would disgrace the dignity of revenge. But,
In the relation you have born to this country, you unworthy treatment. They had a right to be heard; have no title to indulgence; and if I had and their petitions if not granted, deserved to be confollowed the dictates of my own opinion, I sidered. Whatever be the real views and doctrines never should have allowed you the respite of of a court, the sovereign should be taught to prea moment. In your public character, you have serve some forms of attention to his subjects; and, if injured every subject of the empire; and though he will not redress their grievances, not to make an individual is not authorized to forgive the in- them a topic of jest and mockery among lords and juries done to society, he is called upon to assert his ladies of the bed-chamber. Injuries may be atoned separate share in the public resentment. I sub- for and forgiven; but insults admit of no compensamitted, however, to the judgment of men, more tion. They degrade the mind in its own esteem, and moderate, perhaps more candid, than myself. For force it to recover its level by revenge. This neglect my own part, I do not pretend to understand those of the petitions was, however, a part of your original prudent forms of decorum, those gentle rules of dis- plan of government; nor will any consequences it cretion, which some men endeavor to unite with the has produced account for your deserting your conduct of the greatest and most hazardous affairs. sovereign, in the midst of that distress, in which you Engaged in the defense of an honorable cause, I and your new friends* have involved him. One would take a decisive part. I should scorn to pro- would think, my lord, you might have taken this vide for a future retreat, or to keep terms with a man spirited resolution before you had dissolved the last who preserves no measure with the public. Neither of those early connections, which once, even in your the abject submission of deserting his post in the own opinion, did honor to your youth; before you hour of danger, nor even the sacred* shield of had obliged lord Granby to quit a service he was cowardice should protect him, I would pursue him attached to; before you had discarded one chancellor, through life, and try the last exertion of my abilities and killed another. To what an abject condition to preserve the perishable infamy of his name, and have you labored to reduce the best of princes, when make it immortal.
the unhappy man, who yields at last to such perWhat then, my lord ? Is this the event of all the sonal instance and solicitation, as never can be fairly sacrifices you have made to lord Bute's patronage, employed against a subject, feels himself degraded by and to your own unfortunate ambition ? Was it for his compliance, and is unable to survive the disthis you abandoned your earliest friendships, the graceful honors which his gracious sovereign had warmest connections of your youth, and all those compelled him to accept. He was a man of spirit, for honorable engagements by which you once solicited, he had a quick sense of shame, and death has reand might have acquired, the esteem of your coun- deemed his character. I know your grace too well try? Have you secured no recompense for such a to appeal to your feelings upon this event; but there waste of honor? Unhappy man! what party will re- is another heart, not yet, I hope, quite callous to the ceive the common deserter of all parties? Without a touch of humanity, to which it ought to be a dreadclient to flatter, without a friend to console you, and ful lesson for ever. + with only one companion from the honest house of Now my lord, let us consider the situation to which Bloomsbury, you must now retire into a dreadful you have conducted, and in which you have thought solitude. At the most active period of life you must it advisable to abandon, your royal master. Whenquit the busy scene, and conceal yourself from the ever the people have complained, and nothing better world, if you would hope to save the wretched re- could be said in defense of the measures of the govmains of a ruined reputation. The vices operate like ernment, it has been the fashion to answer us, though age, bring on disease before its time, and in the prime not very fairly, with an appeal to the private virtues of youth leave the character broken and exhausted. of your sovereign ; " Has he not, to relieve the peo
Yet your conduct has been mysterious, as well as ple, surrendered a considerable part of his revenue ? contemptible. Where is now that firmness, or ob- Has he not made the judges independent, by fixing stinacy, so long boasted of by your friends, and ac-them in their places for life?” My lord, we acknowlknowledged by your enemies? We were taught to edge the gracious principle which gave birth to these expect that you would not leave the ruin of this concessions, and have nothing to regret but that it country to be completed by other hands, but were has never been adhered to. At the end of seven determined either to gain a decişive victory over the years, we are loaded with a debt of above five hunconstitution, or to perish bravely, at least, behind dred thousand pounds upon the civil list; and now the last dike of the prerogative. You knew the dan- we see the chancellor of Great Britain tyrannically ger, and might have been provided for it. You took forced out of his office, not for want of abilities, not sufficient time to prepare for a meeting with your for want of integrity, or of attention to his duty, but parliament, to confirm the mercenary fidelity of your for delivering his honest opinion in parliament, upon dependents, and to suggest to your sovereign a the greatest constitutional question that has arisen language suited to his dignity at least, if not to his since the revolution. We care not to whose private benevolence and wisdom. Yet, while the whole virtues you appeal. The theory of such a governkingdom was agitated with anxious expectation upon ment is falsehood and mockery; the practice is opone great point, you meanly evaded the question, pression. You have labored then (though, I confess, and, instead of the explicit firmness and decision of to no purpose) to rob your master of the only plausia king, gave us nothing but the misery of a ruinedt ble answer that ever was given in defense of his govgrazier, and the wining piety of a methodist. We ernment-of the opinion which the people had conhad reason to expect, that notice would have been ceived of his personal honor and integrity. The taken of the petitions which the king had received duke of Bedford was more moderate than your grace; from the English nation; and although I can con- he only forced his master to violate a solemn promceive some personal motives for not yielding to them, ise made to an individual ;* but you, my lord, have I can find none, in common prudence or decency, for successively extended your advice to every political, treating them with contempt. Be assured, my lord, every moral engagement, that could bind either the the English people will not tamely submit to this
+ The Bedford party.
* The most secret particular of this detestable trans• Sacro tremuere timore. Every coward pretends to be action shall in due time be given to the public. The planet-struck.
people shall know what kind of man they have to deal + There was something wonderfully pathetic in the with. Deation of the horned cattle.
+ Mr. Stuart M'Kenzie.
magistrate or the man. The condition of a king is The recollection of the royal patent you sold to often miserable; but it requirdd your grace's abilities Mr. Hine, obliges me to say a word in defense of a to make it contemptible. You will say, perhaps, that man, whom you have taken the most dishonorable the faithful servants, in whose hands you have left means to injure. I do not refer to the sham prosecuhim, are able to retrieve his honor, and to support his tion which you affected to carry on against him. On government. You have publicly declared, even since that ground, I doubt not, he is prepared to meet you your resignation, that you approved of their meas- with tenfold recrimination, and set you at defiance. ures, and admired their conduct, particularly that of The injury you had done him affects his moral char. the earl of Sandwich. What a pity it is, that, with acter. You knew that the offer to purchase the reall this appearance, you should think it necessary to vision of a place, which has heretofore been sold separate yourself from such amiable companions! under a decree of the court of chancery, however You forget. my lord, that, while you are lavish in the imprudent in his situation, would no way tend to praise of men whom you desert, you are publicly op- cover him with that sort of guilt which you wished posing your conduct to your opinions, and depriving to fix upon him in the eyes of the world. You yourself of the only plausible pretence you had for labored then, by every species of false suggestion, and leaving your sovereign overwhelmed with distress. even by publishing counterfeit letters, to have it onI call it plausible ; for, in truth, there is no reason derstood, that he had proposed terms of accommodawhatsoever, less than the frowns of your master, that tion to you, and had offered to abandon his principles, could justify a man of spirit for abandoning his post his party, and his friends. You consulted your own at a moment so critical and important. It is in vain breast for a character of consummate treachery, and to evade the question; if you will not speak out, the gave it to the public for that of Mr. Vaughan. I public have a right to judge from appearances. We think myself obliged to do this justice to an injured are authorized to conclude, that you either differed man, because I was deceived by the appearances from your colleagues, whose measures you still affect thrown out by your grace, and have frequently to defend, or that you thought the administration of spoken of his conduct with indignation. If he really the king's affairs no longer tenable. You are at lib-be, what I think him, honest, though mistaken, he erty to choose between the hypocrite and the coward. will be happy in recovering his reputation, though at Your best friends are in doubt which way they shall the expense of his understanding. Here I see the incline. Your country unites the characters, and matter is likely to rest. Your grace is afraid to carry gives you credit for them both. For my own part, I on the prosecution. Mr. Hine keeps quiet possession see nothing inconsistent in your conduct. You be- of the purchase ; and governor Burgoyne, relieved gan with betraying the people; you conclude with from the apprehension of refunding the money, sits betraying the king.
down, for the remainder of his life, infamous and conIn your treatment of particular persons, you have tented. preserved the uniformity of your character. Even I believe, my lord, I may now take my leave of von Mr. Bradshaw declares, that no man was ever so ill for ever. You are no longer that resolute minister, used as himself. As to the provision* you have who had spirit to support the most violent measures; made for his family, he was entitled to it by the house who compensated for the want of good and great he lives in. The successor of one chancellor might qualities, by a brave determination (which some peowell pretend to be the rival of another. It is the ple admired and relied on) to maintain himself withbreach of private friendship which touches Mr. Brad- out them. The reputation of obstinacy and perseshaw; and, to say the truth, when a man of his rank verance might haye supplied the place of all the and abilities had taken so active a part in your af-absent virtues. You have now added the last negafairs, he ought not to have been let down at last with tive to your character, and meanly confessed that you a miserable pension of fifteen hundred pounds a-year. are destitute of the common spirit of a man. Retire, Colonel Luttrell, Mr. Onslow, and governor Burgoyne, then, my lord, and hide your blushes from the world, were equally engaged with you, and have rather more for, with such a load of shame, even black may change reason to complain than Mr. Bradshaw. These are its color. A mind such as yours, in the solitary hours men, my lord, whose friendship you should have ad- of domestic enjoyment, may still find topics of consc hered to on the same principle on which you deserted lation. You may find it in the memory of violated lord Rockingham, lord Chatham, lord Canıden, and friendship; in the afflictions of an accomplished the duke of Portland. We can easily account for prince, whom you have disgraced and deserted; and your violating your engagements with men of honor; | in the agitations of a great country, driven, by your but why should you betray your natural connections? counsels, to the brink of destruction. Y Why separate yourself from lord Sandwich, lord The palm of ministerial firmness is now transferred Gower, and Mr. Rigby; or leave the three worthy to lord North. He tells us so himself, and with the gentlemen above-mentioned to shift for themselves ? plentitnde of the ore rotundo ;* and I am ready With all the fashionable indulgence of the times, this enough to believe, that, while he can keep his place, country does not abound in characters like theirs; he will not easily be pursuaded to resign it. Your and you may find it a very difficult matter to recruit grace was the firm minister of yesterday; lord North the black catalogue of your friends.
is the firm minister of to-day : to-morrow, perhaps,
his majesty, in his wisdom, may give us a rival for * A pension of 15001. per annum, insured upon the four
you both. You are too well acquainted with the temand a half per cents. (he was too cunning to trust to Irish security) for the lives of himself and his sons. This gen- per of your late allies, to think it possible that lord tleman, who, a very few years ago, was clerk to a con- North should be permitted to govern this country. tractor for forage, and afterwards exalted to a petty post
If we may believe common fame, they have shown in the war office, thought it necessary (as soon as he was appointed secretary to the treasury) to take that great
him their superiority already. His majesty is, inhouse in Lincoln's-Inn-fields, in which the earl of Northington had resided, while he was Jord high chancellor of
the Great Britain. As to the pension, lord North very solemnly assured the house of commons, that no pension
ss an was ever so well deserved as Mr. Bradshaw's N. B. Lord
howCamden and sir Jeffrey Amherst are not near so well pro-lever, is equally answered, by pushing forward this vided for: and sir Edward Hawke, who saved the state, retires with two thousand pounds a year on the Irish es- * This eloquent person has got as far as the discipline tablishment, from which he, in fact, receives less than of Demosthenes. He eonstantly speaks with pebbles in Mr. Bradshaw's pension.
I 'bis moutb, to improve bis articulation.
unhappy figure, and forcing it to bear the odium of their duty, they will not surrender their birth-right measures, which they in reality direct. Without to ministers, parliaments, or kings. The city of Lonimmediately appearing to govern, they possess the don have expressed their sentiments with freedom power, and distribute the emoluments of government, and firmness; they have spoken truth boldly; and, as they think proper. They still adhere to the spirit in whatsoever light their remonstrance may be repreof that calculation which made Mr. Luttrell represented by courtiers, I defy the most subtile lawyer in sentative of Middlesex. Far from regretting your this country to point out a single instance in which retreat, they assure us, very gravely, that it increases they have exceeded the truth. Even that assertion the real strength of the ministry. According to this which we are told is most offensive to parliament, in way of reasoning, they will probably grow stronger the theory of the English constitution, is strictly true. and more flourishing every hour they exist: for I think If any part of the representative body be not chosen there is hardly a day passes in which some one or by the people, that part vitiates and corrupts the other of his majesty's servants does not leave them whole. If there be a defect in the representation of to improve by the loss of his assistance. But, alas! the people, that power, which alone is equal to the their countenances speak a different language. When making of the laws in this country, is not complete, the members drop off, the main body cannot be in- and the acts of parliament, under that circumstance, sensible of its approaching dissolution. Even the are not the acts of a pure and entire legislature. I violence of their proceedings is a signal of despair. I speak of the theory of our constitution; and whatLike broken tenants, who have had warning to ever difficulties or inconveniences may attend the quit the premises, they curse their landlords, de- practice, I am ready to maintain that, as far as the stroy the fixtures, throw every thing into confusion, fact deviates from the principle, so far the practice is and care not what mischief they do to the estate. vicious and corrupt. I have not heard a question
JUNIUS. raised upon any other part of the remonstrance.
That the principle on which the Middlesex election
was determined, is more pernicious in its effects than LETTER XXXVII.
either the levying of ship-money by Charles the First, TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER.
or the suspending power assumed by his son, will
hardly be disputed by any man who understands or SIR,
March 19, 1770.
wishes well to the English constitution. It is not an I believe there is no man, however indifferent act of open violence done by the king, or any direct about the interests of this country, who will not or palpable breach of the laws attempted by his minreadily confess, that the situation to which we are ister, that can ever endanger the liberties of this counnow reduced, whether it has arisen from the violence try.' Against such a king or minister the people of faction, or from an arbitrary system of govern- would immediately take the alarm, and all the parment, jnstifies the most melancholy apprehensions, ties unite to oppose him. The laws may be grossly and calls for the exertion of whatever wisdom or violated in particular instances, without any direct vigor is left among us. The king's answer to the re-attack upon the whole system. Facts of that kind monstrance of the city of London, and the measures stand alone; they are attributed to necessity, not since adopted by the ministry, amount to a plain de- defended by principles. We can never be really in claration, that the principle on which Mr. Luttrell danger, until the forms of parliament are made use was seated in the house of commons, is to be sup- of to destroy the substance of our civil and political ported in all its consequences, and carried to its ut liberties; until parliament itself betrays its trust, by most extent. The same spirit which violated the contributing to establish new principles of governfreedom of election, now invades the declaration and ment, and employing the very weapons committed to bill of rights, and threatens to punish the subject for it by the collective body to stab the constitution. exercising a privilege hitherto undisputed, of petition- As for the terms of the remonstrance, I presume it ing the crown. The grievances of the people are will not be affirmed, by any person less polished than aggravated by insults; their complaints not merely a gentleman usher, that this is a season for complidisregarded, but checked by authority; and every one ments. Our gracious king, indeed, is abundantly of those acts against which they remonstrated, con- civil to himself. Instead of an answer to a petition, firmed by the king's decisive approbation. At such his majesty very graciously pronounces his own pan& moment, no honest man will remain silent or in- egyric; and I confess that, as far as his personal beactive. However distinguished by rank or property, havior, or the royal purity of his intentions, is conin the rights of freedom we are all equal. As we are cerned, the truth of those declarations, which the Englishmen, the least considerable man among us has minister has drawn up for his master, cannot decently an interest equal to the proudest nobleman in the be disputed. In every other respect, I affirm, that laws and constitution of his country, and is equally they are absolutely unsupported either in argument called upon to make a generous contribution in sup- or fact: I must add, too, that supposing the speech port of them; whether it be the heart to conceive, were otherwise unexceptionable, it is not a direct the understanding to direct, or the hand to execute. answer to the petition of the city. His majesty is It is a common cause in which we are all interested, pleased to say, that he is always ready to receive the in which we should all be engaged. The man who request of his subjects; yet the sheriff's were twice deserts it at this alarming crisis, is an enemy to his sent back with an excuse; and it was certainly decountry, and, what I think of infinitely less import- bated in council, whether or no the magistrates of ance, a traitor to his sovereign. The subject, who is the city of London should be admitted to an audience. truly loyal to the chief magistrate, will neither ad-Whether the remonstrance be or be not injurious to vise or submit to arbitrary measures. The city of parliament, is the very question between the parliaLondon hath given an example, which, I doubt not, ment and the people, and such a question as canwill be followed by the whole kingdom. The noble not be decided by the assertion of a third party, spirit of the metropolis is the life-blood of the state, however respectable. That the petitioning for a collected at the heart: from that point it circulates, dissolution of parliament is irreconcilable with the with health and vigor, through every artery of the principles of the constitution, is a new doctrine. His constitution. The time is come when the body of majesty, perhaps, has not been informed, that the the English people must assert their own cause : con- house of commons themselves, have, by a formal scious of their strength, and animated by a sense of resolution, admitted it to be the right of the subject.