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His majesty proceeds to assure us, that he has made the people, his majesty might think himself bound, the laws the rule of his conduct. Was it in ordering by the same official obligation, to give a graceful utor permitting his ministers to apprehend Mr. Wilkes terance to the sentiments of his minister. The cold by a general warrant? Was it in suffering his min-formality of a well-repeated lesson is widely distant isters to revive the obsolete maxim of nullum tem- from the animated expression of the heart. pus, to rob the duke of Portland of his property, and This distinction, however, is only true with rethereby give a decisive turn to a county election ? spect to the measure itself. The consequences of it Was it in erecting a chamber consultation of surgeons, reach beyond the minister, and materially affect his with authority to examine into and supersede the majesty's honor. In their own nature they are formidlegal verdict of a jury? Or did his majesty consultable enough to alarm a man of prudence, and disthe laws of this country, when he permitted his sec- graceful enough to afflict a man of spirit. A subject, retary of state to declare, that, whenever the civil whose sincere attachment to his majesty's person and magistrate is trifled with, a military force must be family is founded upon rational principles, will not, sent for, without the delay of a moment, and effectually in the present conjuncture, be scrupulous of alarmemployed? Or was it in the barbarous exactness ing, or even of afflicting, his sovereign. I know there with which this illegal, inhuman doctrine was car- is another sort of royalty, of which his majesty has ried into execution ? If his majesty had recollected had plenty of experience. When the loyalty of these facts, I think, he would never have said, at Tories, Jacobites, and Scotchmen, has once taken least with any reference to the measures of his gov- possession of an unhappy prince, it seldom leaves ernment, that he had made the laws the rule of his him without accomplishing his destruction. When conduct. To talk of preserving the aftections, or re- the poison of their doctrines has tainted the natural lying on the support of his subjects, while he con- benevolence of his disposition, when their insidious tinues to act upon these principles is, indeed, paying counsels have corrupted the stamina of his governa compliment to their royalty, which, I hope, they ment, what antidote can restore him to his political have too much spirit and understanding to deserve. health and honor but the firm sincerity of his English
His majesty, we are told, is not only punctual in subjects? the performance of his own duty, but careful not to It has not been usual, in this country, at least assume any of those powers which the constitution since the days of Charles The 'First, to see the soverhas placed in other hands. Admitting this last as- eign personally at variance, or engaged in a direct sertion to be strictly true, it is no way to the purpose. altercation with his subjects. Acts of grace and illiThe city of London have not desired the king to as. dulgence are wisely appropriated to him, and should sume a power placed in other hands. If they had, Iconstantly be performed by himself. He never should should hope to see the person who dared to present appear but in an amiable light to his subjects. Even such a petition immediately impeached. They solicit in France, as long as any ideas of a limited monarchy their sovereign to exert that constitutional authority were thought worth preserving, it was a maxim that which the laws have vested in him for the benefit of no man should leave the royal presence discontented. his subjects. They call upon him to make use of his They have lost or renounced the moderate principles lawful prerogative in a case which our laws evidently of their goveroment; and now, when their parliasupposed might happen, since they have provided for ments venture to remonstrate, the tyrant comes forit by trusting the sovereign with a discretionary ward, and answers absolutely for himself. The power to dissolve the parliament. This request will, spirit of their present constitution requires that the I am confident, be supported by remonstrances from king should be feared; and the principle, I believe, is all parts of the kingdom. His majesty will find, at tolerably supported by the fact. But, in our political last, that this is the sense of his people; and that it is system, the theory is at variance with the practice, not his interest to support either ministry or parlia- for the king should be beloved. Measures of greater ment at the hazard of a breach with the collective severity may, indeed, in some circumstances, be netbody of his subjects. That he is king of a free peo-essary: but the minister who advises should take the ple, is, indeed, his greatest glory. That he may long execution and odium of them entirely upon himself. continue the king of a free people is the second wish He not only betrays his master, but violates the that animates my heart. The first is, that the people spirit of the English constitution, when he exposes may be free.*
the chief magistrate to the personal hatred or conJOHN HORNE. tempt of his subjects. When we speak of the firm
ness of government, we mean an uniform system of
measures, deliberately adopted, and resolutely mainLETTER XXXVIII.
tained by the servants of the crown; not a peevish TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. asperity in the language and behavior of the sover
April 3, 1770.
eign. The government of a weak, irresolute monarch, In my last letter I offered you my opinion of the
may be wise, moderate, and firm : that of an obstitruth and propriety of his majesty's answer to the
nate, capricious prince, on the contrary, may be city of London, considering it merely as the speech
feeble, undetermined, and relaxed. The reputation of a minister, drawn up in his own defense, and de
of public measures depends upon the minister, who livered, as usual, by the chief magistrate. I would
is responsible; not upon the king, whose private
opinions are not supposed to have any weight against separate, as much as possible, the king's personal
the advice of his council, and whose personal aucharacter and behavior from the acts of the present government. I wish it to be understood that his
thority should, therefore, never be interposed in
public affairs. This, I believe, is true constitutional majesty had, in effect, no more concern in the sub
doctrine. But for a moment let us suppose it false. stance of what he said, than sir James Hodges had
Let it be taken for granted, that an occasion may in the remonstrance: and that as sir James, in virtue of his office, was obliged to speak the sentiments of
arise in which a king of England shall be conipelled
to take upon himself the ungrateful office of rejecting * When his majesty had done reading his speech, the the petitions and censuring the conduct of his sublord mayor, etc , had the honor of kissing his majesty's jects; and let the city remonstrapce be supposed to hand: after which, as they were withdrawing, his majesty hare crented so extraordinary an occasion. On this instantly turned round to his courtiers, and burst out a laughing.
principle, which I presume no friend of administraNero fiddled, while Rome was burning.
tion will dispute, let the wisdom and spirit of the
ministry be examined. They advise the king to has been too much the system of the present reign, to hazard his dignity, by a positive declaration of his introduce hini personally either to act for or defend own sentiments, they suggest to him a language full his servants. They persuade him to do what is of severity and reproach. What follows? When his properly their business, and desert him in the midst majesty had taken so decisive a part in support of of it. Yet this is an inconvenience to which he must his ministry and parliament, he had a right to expect for ever be exposed, while he adheres to a ministry from them a reciprocal demonstration of firmness in divided among theniselves, or unequal in credit and their own cause, and of their zeal for his honor. He ability to the great task they have undertaken. 'Inhad reason to expect (and such, I doubt not, were the stead of reserving the interposition of the royal perblustering promises of lord North) that the persons sonage as the last resource of government, their whom he had been advised to charge with having weakness obliges them to apply it to every ordinary failed in their respect to him, with having injured occasion, and to render it cheap and common in the parliament, and violated the principles of the consti- opinion of the people. Instead of supporting their tution, should not have been permitted to escape master, they look to him for support; and for the without some severe marks of the displeasure and emoluments of remaining one day more in office, care vengeance of parliament. As the matter stands, the not how much his sacred character is prostituted and minister, after placing his sovereign in the most un- dishonored. favorable light to his subjects, and after attempting If I thought it possible for this paper to reach the to fix the ridicule and odium of his own precipitate closet, I would venture to appeal at once to his majmeasures upon the royal character, leaves him a esty's judgment. I would ask him, but in the most solitary figure upon the scene, to recall, if he can, or respectful terms, “As you are a young man, sir, who to compensate, by future compliances, for one un- ought to have a life of happiness in prospect; as you happy demonstration of ill-supported firmness and are a husband, as you are a father, (your filial duties, ineffectual resentment. As a man of spirit, his ma- I own, have been religiously performed) is it bona jesty cannot but he sensible, that the lofty terms in fide for your interest or your honor, to sacrifice your which he was persuaded to reprimand the city, when domestic tranquillity, and to live in a perpetual disunited with the silly conclusion of the business, re- agreement with your people, merely to preserve such sembled the pomp of a mock tragedy, where the a chain of beings, as North, Barrington, Weymouth, most pathetic sentiments, and even the sufferings of Gower, Ellis, Onslow, Rigby, Jerry Dyson, and Sandthe hero, are calculated for derision.
wich?' Their very names are a satire upon all govSuch have been the boasted firmness and consist- ernment? and I defy the gravest of your chaplains ency of a minister,* whose appearance in the house to read the catalogue without laughing." of commons was thought essential to the king's ser-For my own part, sir, I have always considered vice; whose presence was to influence every division ; addresses from parliament, as a fashionable, unmeanwho had a voice to persuade, an eye to penetrate, a ing formality. Usúrpers, idiots, and tyrants, have gesture to command. The reputation of these great been successively complimented with almost the qualities has been fatal to his friends. The little same professions of duty and affection. But let us dignity of Mr. Ellis has been committed. The mine suppose them to mean exactly what they profess. was sunk; combustibles were provided; and Welbore The consequences deserve to be considered. Either Ellis, the Guy Faux of the fable, waited only for the the sovereign is a man of high spirit and dangerous signal of command. All of a sudden the country ambition, ready to take advantage of the treachery gentlemen discover how grossly they have been de- of the parliament, ready to accept of the surrender ceived: the minister's heart fails him; the grand they make him of the public liberty; or he is a plot is defeated in a moment; and poor Mr. Ellis and mild, undesigning prince, who, provided they inhis motion taken into custody. From the event of dulge him with a little state and pageantry would Friday last, one would imagine that some fatality of himself intend no mischief. On the first supposihung over this gentleman. Whether he makes or tion, it must soon be decided by the sword, whether suppresses a motion, he is equally sure of disgrace. the constitution should be lost or preserved. On the But the complexion of the times will suffer no nan second, a prince, no way qualified for the execution to be vice-treasurer of Ireland with impunity | of a great and hazardo 18 enterprise, and without any
I do not mean to express the smallest anxiety for determined object in view, may nevertheless be the minister's reputation. He acts separately for driven into such desperate measures, as may lead himself, and the most shameful inconsistency may directly to his ruin; or disgrace himself by a shameperhaps be no disgrace to him. But when the sov- ful fluctuation between the extremes of violence at eign, who represents the majesty of the state, appears one moment, and timidity at another. The minister, in person, his dignity should be supported: the occa- perhaps, may have reason to be satisfied with the sion should be important; the plan well considered; success of the present hour, and with the profits of the execution steady and consistent. My zeal for his his employment. He is the tenant of the day, and majesty's real honor, compels me to assert, that it has no interest in the inheritance. The sovereign
himself is bound by other obligations, and ought to This graceful minister is oddly constructed. His look forward to a superior, a permanent interest. tongue is a little too big for his mouth, and his eyes a His motorne great deal too big for their sockets. Every part of his per
His paternal tenderness should remind him how son sets natural proportion at defiance. At this present many hostages he has given to society. The ties of writing his head is supposed to be much too beavy for his nature come powerfully in aid of oaths and protesshoulders.
tations. The father, who considers his own precari+ About this time the courtiers talked of nothing but a bill of pains and penalties against the lord mayor and shre
ous state of health, and the possible hazard of a long ifs, or impeachment at the least. Little Mannikin Ellis
minority, will wish to see the family estate free and told the king, that if the business were left to his manage- unincumbered.* What is the dignity of the crown, ment, he would engage to do wonders It was thought very odd that a business of so much importance should be entrusted to the most contemptible little piece of ma
| honor of parliament, supposing it could exist withchinery in the whole kingdom. His honest zeal, however, out any foundation of integrity and justice; or what was disappointed. The minister took fright; and at the very instant that little Ellis was going to open, sent him an order to set down. All their magnanim 2014 threatended * Every true friend to the house of Brunswick sees in a ridiculous vote of censure, and a still more ridicu.with affliction how rapidly some of the principal branches lour address to the king.
Tof the family have dropped off.
is the vain reputation of firmness, even if the scheme. The prorogation of parliament naturally calls upon of the government were uniform and consistent, us to review their proceedings, and to consider the compared with the heart-felt affections of the people, condition in which they have left the kingdom. I with the happiness and security of the royal family, do not question but they have done what is usually or even with the grateful acclamation of the popu- called the king's business, much to his majestys lace? Whatever style of contempt may be adopted satisfaction: we have only to lament, that, in conby ministers or parliaments, no man sincerely de- sequence of a system introduced or revived in the spises the voice of the English nation. The house of present reign, this kind of merit should be very concommons are only interpreters, whose duty it is to sistent with the neglect of every duty they owe to convey the sense of the people faithfully to the the nation. The interval between the opening of the crown. If the interpretation be false or imperfect, last, and close of the former session, was longer than the constituent powers are called upon to deliver usual. Whatever were the views of the minister it their own sentiments. Their speech is rude, but in- deferring the meeting of parliament, sufficient time telligible; their gestures fierce, but full of expression. was certainly given to every member of the house of Perplexed by sophistries, their honest eloquence commons, to look back upon the steps he had taken," rises into action. Their first appeal was to the in- and the consequences they had produced. The zeal tegrity of their representatives; their second, to the of party, the violence of personal animosities, and the king's justice. The last argument of the people, heat of contention, had leisure to subside. From that whenever they have recourse to it, will carry more period, whatever resolution they took was deliberate perhaps, than persuasion to parliament, or supplica- and prepense. In the preceeding session, the depention to the throne.
JUNIUS. dents of the ministry had affected to believe, that
the final determination of the question would have satisfied the nation, or at least put a stop to their complaints; as if the certainty of an evil could dimin
ish the sense of it, or the nature of injustice could LETTER XXXIX.
be altered by decision. But they found the people
of England were in a temper very distant from subTO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. mission; and although it was contended that the
house of commons could not themselves reverse a SIR,
May 28, 1770.
resolution which had the force and affect of a judicial While parliament was sitting, it would neither sentence, there were other constitutional expedients have been safe, nor perhaps, quite regular, to offer which would have given a security against any any opinion to the public upon the just ce or wisdom similar attempts for the future. The general propasiof their proceedings. To pronounce fairly upon their tion, in which the whole country had an interest. conduct, it was necessary to wait until we could con- might have been reduced to a particular fact, in which sider, in one view, the beginning, progress, and con- | Mr. Wilkes and Mr. Luttrell would alone have been clusion of their deliberations. The cause of the concerned. The house of lords might interpose; the public was undertaken and supported by men, whose king might dissolve the parliament; or if every other abilities and united authority, to say nothing of the resource failed, there still lay a grand constitutional advantageous ground they stood on, might well be writ of error, in behalf of the people, from the dethought sufficient to determine a popular question in cision of one court to the wisdom of the whole legisfavor of the people. Neither was the house of com- | lature. Every one of these remedies has been snemons so absolutely engaged in defense of the minis- cessively attempted. The people performed their try, or even of their own resolutions, but that they part with dignity, spirit, and perseverance. For might have paid some decent regard to the known many months his majesty heard nothing from his disposition of their constituents; and without any people but the language of complaint and resentdishonor to their firmness, might have retracted an ment: unhappily for this country, it was the daily opinion too hastily adopted, when they saw the triumph of his courtiers, that he heard it with an inalarm it had created, and how strongly it was opposed difference approaching to contempt. by the general sense of the nation. The ministry, The house of commons, having assumed a power too, would have consulted their own immediate in- unknown to the constitution, were determined Dot terest in making some concession satisfactory to the merely to support it in the single instance in questio. moderate part of the people. Without touching the but to maintain the doctrine in its utmost extent fact, they might have consented to guard against, or and to establish the fact as a precedent in law, to be give up, the dangerous principle on which it was applied in whatever manner his majesty's servants established. In this state of things, I think it was should hereafter think fit. Their proceedings upon highly improbable, at the beginning of the session, this occasion are a strong proof that a decision, in the that the complaints of the people upon a matter, first instance illegal and unjust, can only be sup which in their apprehension at least, immediately ported by a continuation of falsehood and injustice affected the life of the constitution, would be treated to support their former resolutions, they were with as much contempt by their own representatives, obliged to violate some of the best known and es and by the house of lords, as they had been by the tablished rules of the house. In one instance, they other branch of the legislature. Despairing of their went so far as to declare, in open defiance of truth integrity, we had a right to expect something from and common sense, that it was not the rule of the their prudence, and something from their fears. The house to divide a complicated question at the regnest duke of Grafton certainly did not foresee to what of a member.* But, after trampling upon the laws of an extent the corruption of a parliament might be the land, it was not wonderful that they should treat carried. He thought, perhaps, that there was still the private regulations of their own assembly with some portion of shame or virtue left in the majority equal disregard. The speaker, being young in office, of the house of commons, or that there was a line in began with pretended ignorance, and ended with public prostitution beyond which they would scruple to proceed. Had the young man been a little more The extravagant resolution appears in the vote of practised in the world or had be ventured to meas. | the house ; but, in the minutes of the committees, the
instances of resolutions contrary to law and truth, or of ure the characters of other men by his own, he would
refusals to acknowledge law and truth when proposed to not have been so easily discouraged.
them, are innumerable.
deciding for the ministry. We are not surprised at a detestable union among themselves, upon the ruin the decision ; but he hesitated and blushed at his own of the laws and liberty of the commonwealth. baseness, and every man was astonished.t
Through the whole proceedings of the house of comThe interest of the public was vigorously supported mons, in this session, there is an apparent, a palpable in the house of lords. The right to defend the con- consciousness of guilt, which has prevented their stitution against an encroachment of the other daring to assert their own dignity, where it estates, and necessity of exerting it at this period, has been immediately and grossly attacked. was urged to them with every argument that could In the course of Dr. Musgrave's examination, he be supposed to influence the heart or the understand said every thing that can be conceived mortifying to ing. But it soon appeared that they had already individuals, or offensive to the house. They voted taken their part, and were determined to support the his information frivolous: but they were awed by his house of commons, not only at the expense of truth firmness and integrity, and sunk under it. The and decency, but even by a surrender of their own terms in which the sale of a patent to Mr. Hine were most important rights. Instead of performing that communicated to the public, naturally called for a duty which the constitution expected from them, in parliamentary inquiry. The integrity of the house return for the dignity and independence of their of commons was directly impeached: but they had station, in return tor the hereditary share it has not courage to move in their own vindication, begiven them in the legislature, the majority of them cause the inquiry would have been fatal to colonel made common cause with the other house in oppress- Burgoyne and the duke of Grafton. When sir ing the people, and established another doctrine as George Saville branded them with the name of false in itself, and, if possible, more pernicious to the traitors to their constituents, when the lord mayor, constitution, than that on which the Middlesex the sheriffs, and Mr. Trecothick expressly avowed election was determined. By resolving, “ that they and maintained every part of the city remonstrance, had no right to impeach a judgment of the house of why did they tamely submit to be insulted? Why commons, in any case whatsoever, where that house did they not immediately expel those refractory has a competent jurisdiction," they, in effect, gave up members ? Conscious of the motives on which they that constitutional check and reciprocal control of had acted, they prudently preferred infamy to danone branch of the legislature over the other, which ger, and were better prepared to meet the contempt. is, perhaps, the greatest and most important object than to rouse the indignation of the whole people. provided for by the division of the whole legislative Had they expelled those five members, the consepower into three estates: and now let the judicial quences of the new doctrine of incapacitation would decisions of the house of commons be ever so extrava- have come immediately home to every man. The gant, let their declarations of the law be ever so truth of it would then have been fairly tried, withflagrantly false, arbitrary, and oppressive to the sub- out any reference to Mr. Wilkes's private character, ject, the house of lords have imposed a slavish or the dignity of the house, or the obstinacy of one silence upon themselves; they cannot interpose ; , particular county. These topics, I know, have had they cannot protect the subject; they cannot defend their weight with men, who, affecting a character of the laws of their country. A concession so extraordi- moderation, in reality consult nothing but their own nary in itself, so contradictory to the principles of immediate 'ease, who are weak enough to acquiesce their own institution, cannot but alarm the most under a flagrant violation of the laws when it does unsuspecting mind. We may well conclude that the not directly touch themselves; and care not what lords would hardly have yielded so much to the injustice is practised upon a man whose moral other house without the certainty of a compensation character they piously think themselves obliged to which can only be made to them at the expense of condemn. In any other circumstances, the house of the people. The arbitrary power they have commons must have forfeited all credit and dignity assumed, of imposing fines, and committing during if, after such gross provocation, they had permitted pleasure, will now be exercised in its full extent. those five gentlemen to sit any longer among them, The house of commons are too much in their debt to We should then have seen and felt the operation of a question or interrupt their proceedings. The crown precedent, which is represented te be perfectly barren too, we may be well assured, will lose nothing in this and harmless. But there is a set of men in this new distribution of power. After declaring, that, to country, whose understandings measure the violation petition for a dissolution of parliament is irreconcil- of law by the magnitude of the instance, not by the able with the principles of the constitution, his maj- important consequences which flow directly from the esty has reason to expect that some extraordinary | principle; and the minister, I presume, did not think compliment will be returned to the royal prerogative. it safe to quicken their apprehensions too soon. Had The three branches of the legislature seem to treat Mr. Hampden reasoned and acted like the moderate their separate rights and interests as the Roman men of these days, instead of hazarding his whole triumvirs did their friends; they reciprocally sacrifice fortune in a lawsuit with the crown, he would have them to the animosities of each other; and establish quietly paid the twenty shillings demanded of him ;
the Stuart family would probably have continued * When the king first made it a measure of his gover ment to destroy Mr. Wilkes, and when, for this purpose, upon the throne; and at this moment the imposition it was necessary to run down privilege, Sir Fletcher Nor- of ship-money would have been an acknowledged ton, with his usual prostituted effrontery, assured the
I prerogative of the crown. house of commons, that he should regard one of their vctes no more than a resolution of so many drunken por
What then has been the business of the session, ters. This is the very lawyer whom Ben Jonson des after voting the supplies, and confirming the detercribes in the following lines:
mination of the Middlesex election? The extraor"Gives forked coupsel; takes provoking gold dinary prorogation of the Irish parliament, and the On either hand, and puts it up. So wise, so grave, of so perplex'd a tongue,
just discontents of that kingdom, have been passed And loud withal, that would not wag, nor scarce | by without notice. Neither the general situation of Lie still, without a fee."
our colonies, nor that particular distress which forced * The man, who resists and overcomes this iniquitous power, assumed by the lords, must be supported by the * The examination of this firm, honest man, is printed whole people. We have the laws on our side, and want for Almon. The reader will find it a most curious and nothing but an intrepid leader. When such a man stands most interesting tract. Doctor Musgrave, with no other forth, let the nation look to it It is not his cause, but support but truth and its own firmness, resisted and over our own,
I came the whole house of commons.
the inhabitants of Boston to take up arms in their de- source or consolation in the attachment of a few fas. fense, have been thought worthy of a moment's consid-orites ; against the general contempt and detestation eration. In the repeal of those acts which were most of his subjects. Edward and Richard the Second offensive to America, the parliament have done every made the same distinction between the collective thing but remove the offense. They have relin- | body of people, and a contemptible party, who surquished the revenue, but judiciously taken care to rounded the throne. The event of their mistaken preserve the contention. It is not pretended that conduct might have been a warning to their sucres. the continuation of the tea-duty is to produce any sors. Yet the errors of those princes were not with. direct benefit whatsoever to the mother country. out excuse. They had as many false friends as our What is it then, but an odious, unprofitable exertion present gracious sovereign, and infinitely greater of a speculative right, and fixing a badge of slavery temptations to seduce them. They were neither upon the Americans, without service to their mas- sober, religious, nor demure. Intoxicated with ters? But it has pleased God to give us a ministry pleasure, they wasted their inheritance in pursuit and a parliament, who are neither to be persuaded of it. Their lives were like a rapid torrent, brilliant by argument, nor instructed by experience.
| in prospect, though useless or dangerous in its course. Lord North, I presume, will not claim an extra- In the dull unanimated existence of other princes, we ordinary merit from any thing he has done this year, see nothing but a sickly stagnant water, which taints in the improvement or application of the revenue. the atmosphere without fertilizing the soil. The A great operation, directed to an important object, morality of a king is not to be measured by vulgar though it should fail of success, marks the genius, rules. His situation is singular: there are tanits and elevates the character of a minister. A poor which do him honor, and virtues that disgrace him. contracted understanding deals in little schemes, A faultless, insipid equality in his character, is neither which dishonor him if they fail, and do him no cred capable of virtue or vice in the extreme; but it se it when they succeed Lord North had fortunately cures his submission to those persons whom he has the means in his possession of reducing all the four been accustomed to respect, and makes him a danper cents. at once. The failure of his first enterprise gerous instrument of their ambition. Secluded from in finance is not half so disgraceful to his reputation the world, attached from his infancy to one set of as a minister, as the enterprise itself is injurious to persons and one set of ideas, he can neither open his the public. Instead of striking one decisive blow, heart to new connections, nor his mind to better in which would have cleared the market at once, upon formation. A character of this sort is the soil fittest terms proportioned to the price of the four per cents. to produce that obstinate bigotry in politics and relisix weeks ago, he has tampered with a pitiful por- gion, which begins with a meritorious sacrifice of the tion of a commodity which ought never to have been understanding, and finally conducts the monarch touched but in gross. He has given notice to the and the martyr to the block. At any other period, I holders of that stock, of a design formed by govern-doubt not, the scandalous disorders which have been ment to prevail upon them to surrender it by de- introduced into the government of all the dependgrees, consequently has warned them to hold up and encies in the empire, would have roused the attention enhance the price : so that the plan of reducing the of the public. The odious abuse and prostitution of four per cents. must either be dropped entirely, or con- the prerogative at home; the unconstitutional emtinued with an increasing disadvantage to the pub-ployment of the military; the arbitrary fines and lic. The minister's sagacity has served to raise the commitments by the house of lords and court of value of the thing he means to purchase, and to sink king's bench; the mercy of a chaste and pious prince that of the three per cents, which it is his purpose to extended cheerfully to a wilful murderer, berarse sell. In effect, he has contrived to make it the inter- that murderer is the brother of a common prostitute; * est of the proprietor of the four per cents. to sell out, would, I think, at any other time, have excited uniand buy three per cents. in the market, rather than versal indignation. But the daring attack upon the subscribe his stock upon any terms that can possibly constitution, in the Middlesex election, makes us calbe offered by government.
lous and indifferent to interior grievances. No man The state of the nation leads us naturally to con- regards an eruption upon the surface, when the noble sider the situation of the king. The prorogation of parts are invaded, and he feels a mortification apparliament has the effect of a temporary dissolution. proaching to his heart. The free election of our The odium of measures adopted by the collective representatives in parliament comprehends, because body sits lightly upon the separate members who it is, the source aud security of every right and privicomposed it. They retire into summer quarters, and lege of the English nation. The ministry have realrest from the disgraceful labors of the campaign. ized the compendious ideas of Caligula. They know But as for the sovereign, it is not so with him ; he has that the liberty, the laws, and property of an Eng a permanent existence in this country; he cannot lishman, have, in truth, but one neck, and that to withdraw himself from the complaints, the discon- violate the freedom of election, strikes deeply at tents, the reproaches of his subjects. They pursue them all.
JUNIUS him to his retirement, and invade his domestic happiness, when no address can be obtained from an ob
LETTER XL. sequious parliament to encourage or console him. In other times, the interest of the king and the people
TO LORD NORTH. of England was, as it ought to be, entirely the same. MY LORD.
August 22, 1770. A new system has not only been adopted in fact,
Mr. Luttrell's services were the chief support but professed upon principle. Ministers are no and ornament of the duke of Grafton's administration. longer the public servants of the state, but the pri- | The honor of rewarding them was reserved for your vate domestics of the sovereign. One* particularlordship. The duke it seems. bad contracted an ob class of men are permitted to call themselves the
selves the ligation he was ashamed to acknowledge, and unsking's friends, as if the body of the people were the ble to acquit. You, my lord, had no scruples. You king's enemies; or, as if his majesty looked for a re
accepted the succession with all its incumbrances, * "An ignorant, mercenary, and servile crew ; unani- and have paid Mr. Luttrell his legacy, at the hazard mous in evil, diligent in mischief, variable in principles, I of ruining the estate. constant to flattery, talkers for liberty, but slaves to power : styling themselves the court party, and the prince's
| When this accomplished youth declared himself ouly friends." Davenant.
* Miss Kennedy.