ÆäÀÌÁö À̹ÌÁö
PDF
ePub

Junius! She often found there, that the sins of the fathers had been visited on the children; and therefore was cautious that herself, and her immediate descendants, should leave no reproach on her posterity and they left none. How little could she foresee this reverse of Junius, who visits my political sins upon my grandmother! I do not charge this to the score of malice in him; it proceeded entirely from his propensity to blunder; that whilst he was reproaching me for introducing, in the most harmless manner, the name of one female, he might himself, at the same instant, introduce two.

I am represented, alternately, as it suits Junius's purpose, under the opposite characters of a gloomy monk, and a man of politeness and good-humor. I am called a "solitary monk," in order to confirm the notion given of me in Mr. Wilkes's anonymous paragraphs, that I never laugh. And the terms of politeness and good-humor, on which I am said to have lived heretofore with the young lady, are intended to confirm other paragraphs of Mr. Wilkes, in which he is supposed to have offended me by refusing his daughter. Ridiculous! Yet I cannot deny but that Junius has proved me unmanly and ungenerous, as clearly as he has shown me corrupt and vindictive: and I will tell him more; I have paid the present ministry as many visits and compliments as ever I paid to the young lady; and shall all my life treat them with the same politeness and good-humor.

partisan he is. When lord Chatham can forgive the awkward situation in which, for the sake of the public, he was designedly placed by the thanks to him from the city; and when Wilkes's name ceases to be necessary to lord Rockingham, to keep up a clamor against the persons of the ministry, without oblig. ing the different factions, now in opposition, to bind themselves beforehand to some certain points, and to stipulate some precise advantages to the public; then, and not till then, may those whom he now abuses expect the approbation of Junius. The approbation of the public, for our faithful attention to their interest, by endeavors for those stipulations, which have made us as obnoxious to the factions in opposition as to those in administration, is not, perhaps, to be expected till some years hence; when the public will look back, and see how shamefully they have been deluded, and by what arts they were made to lose the golden opportunity of preventing what they will surely experience, a change of ministers, without a material change of measures, and without any security for a tottering constitution. But what cares Junius for the security of the constitution? He has now unfolded to us his diabolical principles. As a public man he must ever condemn any measure which may tend accidentally to gratify the sovereign; and Mr. Wilkes is to be supported and assisted in all his attempts (no matter how ridiculous and mischievous his projects) as long as he continues But Junius "begs to believe, that he measures to be a thorn in the king's side! The cause of the the integrity of men by their conduct, not by their country, it seems, in the opinion of Junius, is mereprofessions." Sure this Junius must imagine his ly to vex the king; and any rascal is to be supported readers are void of understanding as he is of mo- in any roguery, provided he can only thereby plant desty! Where shall we find the standard of his integ-a thorn in the king's side. This is the very extremity rity? By what are we to measure the conduct of of faction, and the last degree of political wickedthis lurking assassin? And he says this to me, ness. Because lord Chatham has been ill-treated by whose conduct, wherever I could porsonally appear, the king, and treacherously betrayed by the duke of has been as direct, and open, and public, as my words, Grafton, the latter is to be "the pillow on which I have not, like him, concealed myself in my cham-Junius will rest his resentments;" and the public ber, to shoot my arrows out of the window; nor contented myself to view the battle from afar; but publicly mixed in the engagement, and shared the danger. To whom have I, like him, refused my name, upon complaint of injury? What printer have I desired to conceal me? In the infinite variety of business in which I have been concerned, where it is not so easy to be faultless, which of my actions can he arraign? To what danger has any man been exposed, which I have not faced? Information, action, imprisonment, or death? What labor have I refused? What expense have I declined? What pleasure have I not renounced? But Junius, to whom no conduct belongs, "measures the integrity of men by their conduct, not by their professions :" himself, all the while, being nothing but professions, and those too anonymous. The political ignorance, or wilful falsehood, of this declaimer, is extreme. His own former let-Charles the First, that, if he found himself placed ters justify both my conduct and those whom his last letter abuses: for the public measures which Junius has been all along defending, were ours whom he attacks; and the uniform opposer of those measures has been Mr. Wilkes, whose bad actions and intentions he endeavors to screen.

Let Junius now, if he pleases, change his abuse, and quitting his loose hold of interest and revenge, accuse me of vanity, and call this defense boasting. I own I have pride to see statues decreed, and the highest honors conferred, for measures and actions which all men have approved; whilst those who counselled and caused them are execrated and insulted. The darkness in which Junius thinks himself shrouded, has not concealed him; nor the artifice of only attacking under that signature those he would pull down, whilst he recommends by other ways those he would have promoted, disguised from me whose

are to oppose the measures of government from mere motives of personal enmity to the sovereign! These are the avowed principles of the man who, in the same letter, says, "If ever he should be convinced that I had no motive but to destroy Wilkes, he shall then be ready to do justice to my character, and to declare to the world, that he despises me somewhat less than he does at present!" Had I ever acted from personal affection or enmity to Mr. Wilkes, I should justly be despised: but what does he deserve, whose avowed motive is personal enmity to the sov ereign? The contempt which I should otherwise feel for the absurdity and glaring inconsistency of Junius, is here swallowed up in my abhorrence of his principles. The right divine and sacredness of kings is to me a senseless jargon. It was thought a daring expression of Oliver Cromwell, in the time of

opposite to the king in battle, he would discharge his piece into his bosom as soon as into any other man's. I go farther: had I lived in those days, I would not have waited for chance to give me an opportunity of doing my duty; I would have sought him through the ranks, and, without the least personal enmity, have discharged my piece into his bosom rather than into any other man's. The king, whose actions justify rebellion to his government, deserve death from the hand of every subject. And should such a time arrive, I shall be as free to act as to say; but, till then, my attachment to the person and family of the sovereign shall ever be found more zealous and sincere than that of his flatterers. I would offend the sovereign with as much reluctance as the parent: but if the happiness and security of the whole family made it necesary, so far, and no farther, I would offend him without remorse.

But let us consider a little whither these princi- | principles: should his debts, though none of the ples of Junius would lead us. Should Mr. Wilkes were contracted for the public, and all his other once more commission Mr. Thomas Walpole to pro- encumbrances, be discharged; should he be offered cure for him a pension of one thousand pounds, upon 600l. or 1000l. a year to make him independent for the Irish establishment, for thirty years, he must be the future; and should he, after all, instead of gratisupported in the demand by the public, because it tude for these services, insolently forbid his benefacwould mortify the king! tors to bestow their own money upon any other object but himself, and revile them for setting any bounds to their supplies; Junius (who, any more than lord Chatham, never contributed one farthing to these enormous expenses) will tell them, that if they think of converting the supplies of Mr. Wilkes's private extravagance to the support of public measures, they are as great fools as my grandmother; and that Mr. Wilkes ought to hold the strings of their purses, as long as he continues to be a thorn in the king's side!

Should he wish to see lord Rockingham and his friends once more in administration, unclogged by any stipulations for the people, that he might again enjoy a pension of one thousand and forty pounds a year, viz., from the first lord of the treasury, 500l. from the lords of the treasury, 601. each: from the lords of trade, 401. each, etc., the public must give up their attention to points of national benefit, and assist Mr. Wilkes in his attempt, because it would mortify the king!

Should he demand the government of Canada, or of Jamaica, or the embassy to Constantinople, and, in case of refusal, threaten to write them down, as he had before served another administration, in a year and a half, he must be supported in his pretensions, and upheld in his insolence, because it would mortify the king!

Upon these principles I never have acted, and I never will act. In my opinion, it is less dishonorable to be the creature of a court, than the tool of a faction. I will not be either. I understand the two great leaders of opposition to be lord Rockingham and lord Chatham; under one of whose banners all the opposing members of both houses, who desire to Junius may choose to suppose that these things get places, enlist. I can place no confidence in either cannot happen! But, that they have happened, not- of them, or in any others, unless they will now withstanding Mr. Wilkes's denial, I do aver. I main-engage, whilst they are out, to grant certain essential tain that Mr. Wilkes did commission Mr. Thomas advantages for the security of the public when they Walpole fo solicit for him a pension of one thousand shall be in administration. These points they refuse pounds, on the Irish establishment, for thirty years; to stipulate, because they are fearful lest they shu ild with which, and a pardon, he declared he would be prevent any future overtures from the court. To satisfied: and that, notwithstanding his letter to Mr. force them to these stipulations has been the uniform Onslow, he did accept a clandestine, precarious, and endeavor of Mr. Sawbridge, Mr. Townshend, Mr. eleemosynary pension from the Rockingham admin- Oliver, etc., and therefore they are abused by Junius. istration, which they paid in proportion to, and out I know no reason, but my zeal and industry in the of their salaries; and so entirely was it ministerial, same cause, that should entitle me to the honor of that, as any of them went out of the ministry, their being ranked by his abuse with persons of their fornames were scratched out of the list, and they con- tune and station. It is a duty I owe to the memory tributed no longer. I say, he did solicit the govern- of the late Mr. Beckford, to say, that he had no other ments, and the embassy, and threatened their refusal aim than this, when he provided that sumptuous nearly in these words: It cost me a year and a half entertainment at the Mansion House, for the memto write down the last administration; should I em- bers of both houses in opposition. At that time, he ploy as much time upon you, very few of you would drew up the heads of an engagement, which he gave be in at the death." When these threats did not pre- to me, with a request that I would couch it in terms vail, he came over to England to embarrass them by so cautious and precise, as to leave no room for future his presence: and when he found that lord Rocking- quibble and evasion; but to oblige them either to ham was something firmer and more manly than he fulfil the intent of the obligation, or to sign their expected, and refused to be bullied into what he own infamy, and leave it on record; and this engagecould not perform, Mr. Wilkes declared, that he ment he was determined to propose to them at the could not leave England without money; and the Mansion House, that either by their refusal they duke of Portland and lord Rockingham purchased might forfeit the confidence of the public, or, by the his absence with one hundred pounds a-piece, with engagement, lay a foundation for confidence. which he returned to Paris. And for the truth of When they were informed of the intention, lord what I here advance, I appeal to the duke of Rockingham and his friends flatly refused any enPortland, to lord Rockingham, to lord John Caven-gagement; and Mr. Beckford as flatly swore, they dish, to Mr. Walpole, etc. I appeal to the handwriting of Mr. Wilkes, which is still extant.

Should Mr. Wilkes afterwards (failing in this wholesale trade) choose to dole out his popularity by the pound, and expose the city officers to sale to his brother, his attorney, etc. Junius will tell us it is only an ambition that he has to make them chamberlain, town clerk, etc., and he must not be opposed in thus robbing the ancient citizens of their birthright, because any defeat of Mr. Wilkes would gratify the king!

Should he, after consuming the whole of his own fortune and that of his wife, and incurring a debt of twenty thousand pounds, merely by his own private extravagance, without a single service or exertion all this time for the public, whilst his estate remained; should he, at length, being undone, commence patriot; have the good fortune to be illegally persecuted, and, in consideration of that illegality, be espoused by a few gentlemen of the purest public

* *

should then "eat none of his broth;" and he was de-
termined to put off the entertainment; but Mr.
Beckford was prevailed upon by
* to in-
dulge them in the ridiculous parade of a popular
procession through the city, and to give them the
foolish pleasure of an imaginary consequence, for the
real benefit only of the cooks and purveyors.

It was the same motive which dictated the thanks of the city to lord Chatham; which were expressed to be given for his declaration in favor of short parliaments, in order thereby to fix lord Chatham, at least, to that one constitutional remedy, without which all others can afford no security. The embarrassment, no doubt, was cruel. He had his choice, either to offend the Rockingham party, who declared formally against short parliaments, and with the assistance of whose numbers in both houses he must expect again to be minister, or to give up the confidence of the public, from whom, finally, all real consequence must proceed. Lord Chatham chose the

1

latter; and I will venture to say, that, by his answer to those thanks, he has given up the people without gaining the friendship or cordial assistance of the Rockingham faction, whose little politics are confined to the making of matches, and extending their family connections; and who think they gain more by procuring one additional vote to their party in the house of commons, than by adding their languid property, and feeble character, to the abilities of a Chatham, or the confidence of a public.

Whatever may be the event of the present wretched state of politics in this country, the principles of Junius will suit no form of government. They are not to be tolerated under any constitution. Personal enmity is a motive fit only for the devil. Whoever, or whatever is sovereign, demands the respect and support of the people. The union is formed for their happiness, which cannot be had without mutual respect; and he counsels maliciously who would persuade either to a wanton breach of it. When it is banished by either party, and when every method has been tried in vain to restore it, there is no remedy but a divorce; but even then he must have a hard and a wicked heart indeed, who punishes the greatest criminal merely for the sake of the punishment; and ⚫ who does not let fall a tear for every drop of blood that is shed in a public struggle, however just the quarrel.

LETTER LIII.

JOHN HORNE.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. SIR,

August 15, 1771. I ought to make an apology to the duke of Grafton, for suffering any part of my attention to be diverted from his grace to Mr. Horne. I am not justified by the similarity of their dispositions. Private vices, however detestable, have not dignity sufficient to attract the censure of the press, unless they are united with the power of doing some signal mischief to the community. Mr. Horne's situation does not correspond with his intentions. In my opinion, (which I know will be attributed to my usual vanity and presumption) his letter to me does not deserve an answer. But I understand that the public are not satisfied with my silence; that an answer is expected from me; and that if I persist in refusing to plead, it will be taken for conviction. I should be inconsistent with the principles I profess, if I declined an appeal to the good sense of the people, or did not willingly submit myself to the judgment of my peers.

If any coarse expressions have escaped me, I am ready to agree that they are unfit for Junius to make use of; but I see no reason to admit that they have been improperly applied.'

Mr. Horne, it seems, is unable to comprehend how an extreme want of conduct and discretion can consist with the abilities I have allowed him; nor can he conceive that a very honest man, with a very good understanding, may be deceived by a knave. His knowledge of human nature must be limited indeed. Had he never mixed with the world, one would have thought that even his books might have taught him better-Did he hear lord Mansfield when he defended his doctrine concerning libels? Or when he stated the law in prosecutions for criminal conversation? Or when he delivered his reasons for calling the house of lords together to receive a copy of his charge to the jury in Woodfall's trial? Had he been present upon any of these occasions, he would have seen how possible it is for a man of the first talents to confound himself in absurdities, which would disgrace the lips of an idiot. Perhaps the example

might have taught him not to value his own understanding so highly. Lord Lyttleton's integrity and judgment are unquestionable; yet he is known to admire that cunning Scotchman, and verily believes him an honest man. I speak to facts, with which all of us are conversant. I speak to men, and to their experience; and will not descend to answer the little sneering sophistries of a collegian. Distinguished talents are not necessarily connected with discretion. If there be any thing remarkable in the character of Mr. Horne, it is, that extreme want of judgment should be united with his very moderate capacity.— Yet I have not forgotten the acknowledgment I made him; he owes it to my bounty: and though his letter has lowered him in my opinion, I scorn to retract the charitable donation.

I said it would be very difficult for Mr. Horne to write directly in defense of a ministerial measure, and not to be detected, and even that difficulty I confined to his particular situation. He changes the terms of the proposition, and supposes me to assert, that it would be impossible for any man to write for the newspapers, and not be discovered.

He repeatedly affirms, or intimates at least, that he knows the author of these letters. With what color of truth, then, can he pretend, "That I am no where to be encountered but in a newspaper?" I shall leave him to his suspicions. It is not necessary that I should confide in the honor and discretion of a man, who already seems to hate me with as much rancor as if I had formerly been his friend. But he asserts, that he has traced me through a variety of signatures. To make the discovery of any importance to his purpose, he should have proved, either that the fictitious character of Junius has not been consistently supported, or that the author has maintained different principles under different signatures. I cannot recall to my memory the numberless trifles I have written; but I rely upon the consciousness of my own integrity, and defy him to fix any colorable charge of inconsistency upon me.

I am not bound to assign the secret motives of his apparent hatred of Mr. Wilkes: nor does it follow that I may not judge fairly of his conduct, though it were true that I had no conduct of my own. Mr. Horne enlarges with rapture upon the importance of his services; the dreadful battles which he might have been engaged in, and the dangers he has escaped In support of the formidable description he quotes verses without mercy. The gentleman deals in fiction, and naturally appeals to the evidence of the poets. Taking him at his word, he cannot but admit the superiority of Mr. Wilkes in this line of service. On one side, we see nothing but imaginary distress; on the other, we see real prosecutions; real penalties; real imprisonments; life repeatedly hazarded; and, at one moment, almost the certainty of death. Thanks are undoubtedly due to every man who does his duty in the engagement, but it is the wounded soldier who deserves the reward.

I did not mean to deny, that Mr. Horne had been an active partisan. It would defeat my own purpose not to allow him a degree of merit which aggravates his guilt. The very charge "of contributing his utmost efforts to support a ministerial measure," implies an acknowledgment of his former services. If he had not once been distinguished by his apparent zeal in defense of the common cause, he could not now be distinguished by deserting it. As for myself, it is no longer a question, " Whether I shall mix with the throng, and take a single share in the danger." Whenever Junius appears, he must encounter a host of enemies. But is there no honorable way to serve the public, without engaging in personal quarrels with insignificant individuals, or submitting to the

drudgery of canvassing votes for an election? Is there no merit in dedicating my life to the information of my fellow-subjects? What public question have I declined? What villain have I spared? Is there no labor in the composition of these letters? Mr. Horne, I fear is partial to me, and measures the facility of my writings by the fluency of his own.

seat in the cabinet. But, if his ambition be upon a level with his understanding, if he judges of what is truly honorable for himself, with the same superior genius which animates and directs him to eloquence in debate, to wisdom in decision, even the pen of Junius shall contribute to reward him. Recorded honors shall gather round his monument, and thicken over him. It is a solid fabric, and will support the laurels that adorn it. I am not conversant in the language of panegyric. These praises are extorted from me; but they will wear well, for they have been dearly earned.

My detestation of the duke of Grafton is not founded upon his treachery to any individual; though I am willing enough to suppose, that, in public affairs, it would be impossible to desert or betray lord Chatham, without doing an essential injury to this country. My abhorrence of the duke arises from an intimate knowledge of his character, and from a thorough conviction that his baseness has been the cause of greater mischief to England, than even the unfortunate ambition of lord Bute.

He talks to us in high terms of the gallant feats he would have performed if he had lived in the last century. The unhappy Charles could hardly have escaped him. But living princes have a claim to his attachment and respect. Upon these terms, there is no danger in being a patriot. If he means any thing more than a pompous rhapsody, let us try how well his argument holds together. I presume he is not yet so much a courtier as to affirm that the constitution has not been grossly and daringly violated under the present reign. He will not say, that the laws have not been shamefully broken or perverted; that the rights of the subject have not been invaded; or, that redress has not been repeatedly solicited and refused. Grievances, like these, were the foundation of the rebellion in the last century; and, if I understand Mr. Horne, they would, at that period, have justified him, to his own mind, in deliberately attacking the life of his sovereign. I shall not ask him, to what political constitution this doctrine can be reconciled: but, at least, it is incumbent upon him to show, that the present king has better excuses than Charles the First, for the errors of his government. He ought to demonstrate to us, that the constitution was better understood a hundred years ago, than it is at present; that the legal rights of the sub-constitution, I do not think we have a right to deterject, and the limits of the prerogative, were more accurately defined, and more clearly comprehended. If propositions like these cannot be fairly maintained I do not see how he can reconcile it to his conscience, not to act immediately with the same freedom with which he speaks. I reverence the character of Charles the First as little as Mr. Horne; but I will not insult his misfortunes by a comparison that would degrade him.

The shortening the duration of parliaments is a subject on which Mr. Horne cannot enlarge too warmly, nor will I question his sincerity. If I did not profess the same sentiments, I should be shamefully inconsistent with myself. It is unnecessary to bind lord Chatham by the written formality of an engagement. He has publicly declared himself a convert to triennial parliaments; and though I have long been convinced, that this is the only possible resource we have left to preserve the substantial freedom of the

mine against the integrity of lord Rockingham or his friends. Other measures may undoubtedly be supported in argument, as better adapted to the disorder, or more likely to be obtained.

Mr. Horne is well assured that I never was the champion of Mr. Wilkes. But though I am not obliged to answer for the firmness of his future adherence to the principles he professes, I have no reason to presume that he will hereafter disgrace them. It is worth observing, by what gentle degrees the As for all those imaginary cases which Mr. Horne so furious, persecuting zeal of Mr. Horne has softened petulantly urges against me, I have one plain honest into moderation. Men and measures were yesterday answer to make him. Whenever Mr. Wilkes shall his object. What pains did he once take to bring be convicted of soliciting a pension, an embassy, or a that great state criminal M'Quirk to execution! To- government, he must depart from that situation, and day he confines himself to measures only; no penal renounce that character, which he assumes at present, example is to be left to the successors of the duke of and which, in my opinion, entitles him to the supGrafton. To-morrow, I presume, both men and meas-port of the public. By the same act, and at the same ures will be forgiven. The flaming patriot, who so lately scorched us in the meridian, sinks temperately to the west, and is hardly felt as he descends.

I comprehend the policy of endeavoring to communicate to Mr. Oliver and Mr. Sawbridge a share in the reproaches with which he supposes me to have loaded him. My memory fails me, if I have mentioned their names with disrespect; unless it be reproachful to acknowledge a sincere respect for the character of Mr. Sawbridge, and not to have questioned the innocence of Mr. Oliver's intentions.

moment, he will forfeit his power of mortifying the king: and though he can never be a favorite at St. James's, his baseness may administer a solid satisfaction to the royal mind. The man I speak of has not a heart to feel for the frailties of his fellow-creatures. It is their virtues that afflict, it is their vices that console him.

I give every possible advantage to Mr. Horne, when I take the facts he refers to for granted. That they are the produce of his invention, seems highly probable, that they are exaggerated, I have no doubt. It seems I am a partisan of the great leader of the At the worst, what do they amount to? but that Mr. opposition. If the charge had been a reproach, it Wilkes, who never was thought of as a perfect pattern should have been better supported. I did not intend of morality, has not been at all times proof against to make a public declaration of the respect I bear the extremity of distress. How shameful is it in a lord Chatham; I well knew what unworthy conclu- man who has lived in friendship with him, to resions would be drawn from it. But I am called upon proach him with failings too naturally connected to deliver my opinion; and surely it is not in the with despair? Is no allowance to be made for banlittle sneering censure of Mr. Horne to deter me from ishment and ruin? Does a two years' imprisonızent doing signal justice to a man, who, I confess, has make no atonement for his crimes? The resentment grown upon my esteem. As for the common sordid of a priest is implacable: no sufferings can soften, no views of avarice, or any purpose of vulgar ambition, penitence can appease him. Yet he himself, I think, I question whether the applause of Junius would be upon his own system, has a multitude of political of service to lord Chatham. My vote will hardly re-offenses to atone for. I will not insist upon the commend him to an increase of his pension, or to a nauseous detail with which he so long disgusted the

meaning an indecent comparison, I may venture to foretell, that the Bible and Junius will be read, when the commentaries of the Jesuits are forgotten. JUNIUS.

public; he seems to be ashamed of it. But what ex-lude the understanding of the people, and, without cuse will he make to the friends of the constitution, for laboring to promote this consummately bad man to a station of the highest national trust and importance? Upon what honorable motives did he recommend him to the livery of London for their representative; to the ward of Farringdon for their alderman; to the county of Middlesex for their knight? Will he affirm, that, at that time, he was ignorant of Mr. Wilkes's solicitations to the ministry? That he should say so, is, indeed, very necessary for his own justification; but where will he find credulity to believe him?

In what school this gentleman learned his ethics, I know not. His logic seems to have been studied under Mr. Dyson. That miserable pamphleteer, by dividing the only precedent in point, and taking as much of it as suited his purpose, had reduced his argument upon the Middlesex election to something like the shape of a syllogism. Mr. Horne has conducted himself with the same ingenuity and candor. I had affirmed, that Mr. Wilkes would preserve the public favor, as long as he stood forth against a ministry and parliament, who were doing every thing they could to enslave the country, and as long as he was a thorn in the king's side." Yet, from the exulting triumph of Mr. Horne's reply, one would think that I had rested my expectation that Mr. Wilkes would be supported by the public, upon the single condition of his mortifying the king. This may be logic at Cambridge, or at the treasury; but, among men of sense and honor, it is folly or villany in the

extreme.

I see the pitiful advantage he has taken of a single unguarded expression, in a letter not intended for the public. Yet it is only the expression that is unguarded. I adhere to the true meaning of that member of the sentence, taken separately as he takes it; and now, upon the coolest deliberation, re-assert, that, for the purposes I referred to, it may be highly meritorious to the public, to wound the personal feelings of the sovereign. It is not a general proposition, nor is it generally applied to the chief magistrate of this, or any other constitution. Mr. Horne knows, as well as I do, that the best of princes is not displeased with the abuse which he sees thrown upon his ostensible ministers. It.makes them, I presume, more properly the objects of his royal compassion. Neither does it escape his sagacity, that the lower they are degraded in the public esteem, the more submissively they must depend upon his favor for protection. This I affirm, upon the most solemn conviction and the most certain knowledge, is a leading maxim in the policy of the closet. It is unnecessary to pursue the argument any farther.

Mr. Horne is now a very loyal subject 'He laments the wretched state of politics in this country; and sees, in a new light, the weakness and folly of the opposition. "Whoever, or whatever, is sovereign, demands the respect and support of the people: "* it was not so when Nero fiddled while Rome was burning." Our gracious sovereign has had wonderful success in creating new attachments to his person and family. He owes it, I presume, to the regular system he has pursued in the mystery of conversion. He began with an experiment upon the Scotch, and concludes with converting Mr. Horne. What a pity it is, that the Jews should be condemned by Providence to wait for a Messiah of their own!

LETTER LIV.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. SIR, August 26, 1771. The enemies of the people having now nothing better to object to my friend Junius, are, at last, obliged to quit his politics, and to rail at him for crimes he is not guilty of. His vanity and impiety are now the perpetual topics of their abuse. I do not mean to lessen the force of such charges, supposing they were true, but to show that they are not founded. If I admitted the premises, I should readily agree in all the consequences drawn from them. Vanity, indeed, is a venial error, for it usually carries its own punishment with it; but if I thought Junius capable of uttering a disrespectful word of the religion of his country, I should be the first to renounce and give him up to the public contempt and indignation. As a man, I am satisfied that he is a Christian, upon the most sincere conviction: as a writer, he would be grossly inconsistent with his political principles, if he dared to attack a religion, established by those laws, which it seems to be the purpose of his life to defend. Now for the proofs. Junius is accused of an impious allusion to the holy sacrament, where he says, that, "if lord Weymouth be denied the cup, there would be no keeping him within the pale of the ministry." Now, sir, I affirm, that this passage refers entirely to a ceremonial in the Roman Catholic church, which denies the cup to the laity. It has no manner of relation to the protestant creed; and is in this country as fair an object of ridicule as transubstantiation, or any other part of lord Peter's History, in the Tale of a Tub.

But Junius is charged with equal vanity and impiety, in comparing his writings to the Holy Scriptures. The formal protest he makes against any such comparison avails him nothing. It becomes necessary then to show that the charge destroys itself. If he be vain, he cannot be impious.

A vain man does not usually compare himself to an object which it is his design to undervalue. On the other hand, if he be impious, he cannot be vain; for his impiety, if any, must consist in his endeavoring to degrade the Holy Scriptures, by a comparison with his own contemptible writings. This would be folly, indeed, of the grossest nature; but where lies the vanity? I shall now be told, "Sir, what you say is plausible enough; but still you must allow, that it is shamefully impudent in Junius to tell us that his works will live as long as the Bible." My answer is, Agreed: but first prove that he has said so. Look at his words, and you will find that the utmost he expects is, that the Bible and Junius will survive the commentaries of the Jesuits; which may prove true in a fortnight. The most malignant sagacity cannot show that his works are, in his opinion, to live as long as the Bible. Suppose I were to foretell, that Jack and Tom would survive Harry, does it follow that Jack must live as long as Tom? I would only illus trate my meaning, and protest against the least idea of profaneness.

The priesthood are accused of misinterpreting the Yet this is the way in which Junius is usually Scriptures. Mr. Horne has improved upon his pro- answered, arraigned, and convicted. These candid fession. He alters the text, and creates a refutable critics never remember anything he says in honor of doctrine of his own. Such artifices cannot long de-our holy religion: though it is true that one of his The very soliloquy of lord Suffolk before he passed leading arguments is made to rest "upon the internal evidence, which the purest of all religions carries

the Rubicon.

« ÀÌÀü°è¼Ó »