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with it." I quote his words; and conclude from or principle of any kind, or a single spark of personal them, that he is a true and hearty christian, in sub- resolution. What must be the operation of that perstance, not in ceremony; though possibly he may not nicious influence (for which our kings have wisely agree with my reverend lords the bishops, or with exchanged the nugatory name of prerogative) that in the head of the church, " that prayers are morality, the highest stations can so abundantly supply the or that kneeling is religion.”

absence of virtue, courage, and abilities, and qualify PHILO JUNIUS. a man to be a minister of' a great nation, whom a pri

vate gentleman would be ash med and afraid to admit:

into his family? Like the universal passport of an LETTER LV.

ambassador, it supersedes the prohibition of the laws,

banishes the staple virtues of the country, and inFROM THE REV. MR. HORNE TO JUNIUS. troduces vice and folly triumphantly into all the de

August 17, 1771.

partments of the state. Other princes, besides his I congratulate you, sir, on the recovery of your majesty, have had the means of corruption within wonted style, though it has cost you a fortnight. I their reach, but they have used it with moderation, compassionate your labor in the composition of your In former times, corruption was considered as a forletters, and will communicate to you the secret of eign auxiliary to government, and only called in upon my fluency. Truth needs no ornament; and in my extraordinary emergencies. The unfeigned piety, the opinion, what she borrows of the pencil is deformity. sanctified religion of Gcorge the Third, have taught

You brought a positive charge against me of cor-him to new model the civil forces of the state. The ruption. I denied the charge, and called for your natural resources of the crown are no longer confided proofs. You replied with abuse, and re-asserted your in. Corruption glitters in the van, collects and maincharge. I called again for proofs. You reply again tains a standing army of mercenaries, and at the same with abuse only, and drop your accusation. In your moment impoverishes and enslaves the country. His fortnight's letter, there is not one word upon the sub majesty's predecessors (excepting that worthy family ject of my corruption.

from which you, my lord, are unquestionably deI have no more to say, but to return thanks to you scended) had some generous qualities in their compofor your condescension, and to a grateful public, and sition, with vices, I confess, or frailties in abundance. honest ministry, for all the favors they have conferred | They were kings or gentlemen, not hypocrites or upon me. The two latter, I am sure, will never re- priests. They were at the head of the church, but fuse me any grace I shall solicit: and since you have did not know the value of their office. They said been pleased to acknowledge, that you told a deliber- their prayers without ceremony, and had too little ate lie in my favor, out of bounty, and as a charitable priestcraft in their understanding, to reconcile the donation, why may I not expect that you will here sanctimonious forms of religion with the utter desafter (if you do not forget you ever mentioned mytruction of the morality of their people. My lord, name with disrespect) make the same acknowledg- this is fact, not declamation. With all your partiality ment for what you have said to my prejudice? This to the house of Stuart, you must contess, that even second recantation will perhaps, be more abhorent Charles the Second would have blushed at that open from your disposition : but should you decline it, encouragement, at those eager, meretricious caresses, you will only afford one more instance, how much with which every species of private vice and public easier it is to be generojis than just, and that men are prostitution is received at St. James's. The unfortusometimes bountiful who are not honest.

nate house of Stuart has been treated with an At all events, I am as well satisfied with your asperity which, if comparison be a defense, seems to panegyric as lord Chatham can be. Monument I border upon injustice. Neither Charles nor his brother shall have none; but over my grave it will be said, were qualified to support such a system of measures in your own words, “Horne's situation did not corres as would be necessary to change the government and pond with his intentions."*

subvert the constitution of England. One of them JOHN HORNE. was too much in earnest in his pleasures, the other in

his religion. But the danger to this country would

cease to be problematical, if the crown should ever LETTER LVI. .

descend to a prince whose apparent simplicity might TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF GRAFTON.

throw his subjects off their guard, who might be no

libertine in behavior, who should have no sense of MY LORD,

September 28, 1771.

honor to restrain him, and who, with just religion The people of England are not appraised of the enough to impos

the enough to impose upon the multitude, might have no full extent of their obligations to you. They have scruples of conscience to interfere with his morality. vet no adequate idea of the endless variety of your With these honorable qualifications, and the decisive character. They have seen you distinguished and advantage of situation, low craft and falsehood are successful in the continued violation of those moral | all the abilities that are wanting to destroy the wis. and political duties, by which the little as well as the dom of ages, and to deface the noblest monument great societies of life are connected and held together. that human policy has erected. I know such a man: Every color, every character became you. With a my lord. I know you both: and, with the blessing of rate of abilities which lord Weymouth very justly I God (for I, too, am religious) the people of England looks down upon with contempt, you have done as shall know you as well as I do. I am not very sure much mischief to the community as Cromwell would

unity as Cromwell would that greater abilities, would not, in effect, be an imhave done, if Cromwell had been a coward; and as pediment to a design which seems at first sight to much as Machiavel, if Machiavel had not known that require a superior capacity. A better understanding an appearance of morals and religion is useful in so- I might make him sensible of the wonderful beauty of ciety. To a thinking man, the influence of the crown that system he was endeavoring to corrupt; the danwill, in no view, appear so formidable, as when he ger of the attempt might alarm him ; the meanness observes to what enormous excesses it has safely con- I and intrinsic worthlessness of the object (supposing ducted your grace, without a ray of real understand- he could attain it) would fill him with shame, repenting, without even the pretensions to common decency

ance, and disgust. But these are sensations which • The epitaph would not be ill suited to the character: find no entrance into a barbarous, contracted heart. 8t the best it ls but equivocal..

In some men there is a malignant passion to destroy

the works of genius, literature, and freedom. The of this evidence, in defiance of the representations of Vandal and the monk find equal gratification in it. the admiralty, in perfect mockery of the notorious

Reflections like these, my lord, have a general distresses of the English navy, and those equally relation to your grace, and inseparably attend you, in pressing and almost equally notorious necessities of whatever company or situation your character occurs your pious sovereign, here the matter rests. The to us. They have no immediate connection with the lords of the treasury, recall their warrant; the deputy following recent fact, which I lay before the public surveyor is ruined for doing his duty; Mr. John Pitt for the honor of the best of sovereigns, and for the (whose name I suppose, is offensive to you) submits edification of his people. A prince (whose piety and to be brow-beaten and insulted; the oaks keep their self denial, one would think, might secure him from ground; the king is defrauded; and the nary of such a multitude of worldly necessities,) with an England may perish for want of the best and finest annual revenue of near a million sterling, un- timber in the is'and. And all this is submitted to, fortunately wants money. The navy of England, by to appease the duke of Grafton! to gratify the man an equally strange occurrence of unforeseen circum- who has involved the king and his kingdom in constances (though not quite so unfortunately for his fusion and distress; and who, like a treacherous majesty,) is in equal want of timber. The world coward, deserted his sovereign in the midst of it! knows in what a hopeful condition you delivered the There has been a strange alteration in your doc. pary to your successor, and in what a condition we trines, since you thought it advisable to rob the duke found it in the moment of distress. You were de- of Portland of his property, in order to strengthen the termined it should continu e in the situation in which interest of lord Bute's son-in-law before the last you left it. It happened, however, very luckily for general election. Nullum tempus occurrit regi was the privy purse. that one of the above wants promised then your boasted motto, and the cry of all your fair to supply the other. Our religious, benevolent, hungry partisans. Now it seems a grant of Charles generous sovereign has no objection to selling his own the Second to one of his bastards is to be held sacred timber to his own admiralty, to repair his own ships, and inviolable! It must not be questioned by the por to putting the money into his own pocket, king's servants, nor submitted to any interpretation People of a religious turn naturally adhere to the but your own. My lord, this was not the language principles of the church; whatever they acquire falls you held, when it suited you to insult the memory of into mortmain. Upon a representation from the ad- the glorious deliverer of England from that detested miralty of the extraordinary want of timber for the family, to which you are still more nearly allied in indispensable repairs of the navy, the surveyor-gen- principle than in blood. In the name of decency and eral was directed to make a survey of the timber in common sense, what are your grace's merits, either, all the royal chases and forests in England. Having with king or ministry, that should entitle you to obeyed his orders with accuracy and attention, he assume this domineering authority over both? Is it reported that the finest timber he had any where met the fortunate consanguinity you claim with the with, and the properest. in every respect, for the pur- house of Stuart? Is it the secret correspondence poses of the navy, was in Whittlebury Forest, of you have so many years carried on with lord Bute, which your grace, I think, is hereditary ranger. In by the assiduvus assistance of your cream colored consequence of this report, the usual warrant was parasite? Could not your gallantry find sufficient prepared at the treasury, and delivered to the sur- employment for him in those gentle offices by which veyor, hy which he, or his deputy , were authorized he first acquired the tender friendship of lord Barto cut down any trees in Whittlebury Forest, which rington? Or is it only that wonderful sympathy of should appear to be proper for the purposes above- manners which subsists between your grace and one mentioned. The deputy being informed that the of your superiors, and does so much honor to you warrant was signed, and delivered to his principal in both? Is the union of Blifil and Black George no London, crosses the country to Northamptonshire, longer a romance? From whatever origin your inand with an officious zeal for the public service, be-fluence in this country arises, it is a phenomenon in gins to do his duty in the forest. Unfortunately for the history of human virtue and understanding. him, he had not the warrant in his pocket. The Good men can hardly believe the fact; wise men are oversight was enormous; and you have punished him unable to account for it; religious men find exercise for it accordingly. You have insisted, that an active, for their faith, and make it the last effort of their useful officer should be dismissed from his place. piety not to repine against Providence. You have ruined an innocent man and his family. In

JUNIUS. what language shall I address so black, so cowardly a tyrant? Thou worse than one of the Brunswicks, and all the Stuarts! To them who know lord North,

LETTER LVII. it is unnecessary to say, that he was mean and base

ADDRESSED TO THE LIVERY OF LONDOX. enough to submit to you. This, however, is but a small part of the fact. After ruining the surveyor's


September 30, 1771. deputy, for acting without the warrant, you attacked If you alone were concerned in the event of the the warrant itself. You declared that it was illegal ;) present election of a chief magistrate of the metroand swore, in a fit of foaming frantic passion, that it polis, it would be the highest presumption in a never should be executed. You asserted, upon your stranger to attempt to influence your choice, or even honor, that in the grant of the rangership of Whit- to offer you his opinion. But the situation of public tlebury Forest, made by Charles the Second (whom affairs has annexed an extraordinary importance to with a modesty that would do honor to Mr. Rigby, your resolutions. You cannot, in the choice of your you are pleased to call your ancestor) to one of his magistrate, determine for yourselves only. You are bastards (from whom I make no doubt of your de going to determine upon a point, in which every scent,) the property of the timber is vested in the member of the community is interested. I will not ranger. I have examined the original grant; and scruple to say, that the very being of that law, of now, in the face of the public, contradict you directly that right, of that constitution, for which we have upon the fact. The very reverse of what you have been so long contending, is now at stake. They who asserted upon your honor is the truth. The grant, would ensnare your judgment tell you, it is a comexpressly and by a particular clause, reserves the prop- mon ordinary case, and to be decided by ordinary erty of the timber for the use of the crown. In spite precedent and practice. They artfully conclude,

from moderate peaceable times, to times which are along with it, as by the separate loss of personal 100 moderate, and which ought not to be peaceable. reputation, which every man sustains when his char. While they solicit your favor, they insist upon a rule acter and conduct are frequently held forth in odious of rotation, which excludes all idea of election. or contemptible colors. These differences are only

Let me be honored with a few minutes of your at- advantageous to the common enemy of the country. ention. The question, to those who mean fairly to The hearty friends of the cause are provoked and he liberty of the people (which we all profess to disgusted. The lukewarm advocate avails himself zave in view), lies within a very narrow compass, of any pretence, to relapse into that indolent indifferDo you mean to desert that just and honorable sys-ence about every thing that ought to interest an Entem of measures which you have hitherto pursued. glishman, so unjustly dignified with the title of mod. n hopes of obtaining from parliament, or from the eration. The false, insidious partisan, who creates or Town, a full redress of past grievances, and a secu- foments the disorder, sees the fruit of his dishonest rity for the future? Do you think the cause des industry ripen beyond his hopes, and rejoices in the perate, and will you declare that you think so to the promise of a banquet, only delicious to such an appe

hole people of England ? If this be your meaning tite as his own. It is time for those who reaıly mean und opinion, you will act consistently with it in well to the Cause and the People, who have no view hoosing Mr. Nash. I profess to be unacquainted to private advantage, and who have virtue enough to with his private character; but he has acted as a prefer the general good of the community to the magistrate, as a public man. As such I speak of gratification of personal animosities; it is time for him. I see his name in a protest against one of your such men to interpose. Let us try whether these remonstrances to the crown. He has done every fatal dissensions may not yet be reconciled; or, if thing in his power to destroy the freedom of popular that be impracticable, let us guard at least against elections in the city, by publishing the poll upon a the worst effects of division, and endeavor to performer occasion; and I know, in general, that he has suade these furious partisans, if they will not conlistinguished himself, by slighting and thwarting all sent to draw together, to be separately useful to that those public measures which you have engaged in cause which they all pretend to be attached to. with the greatest warmth, and hitherto thought most Honor and honesty must not be renounced, although worthy of your approbation. From his past conduct, a thousand modes of right and wrong were to occupy what conclusion will you draw but that he will act the degrees of morality between Zeno and Epicurus. the same part as lord mayor, which he has invariably The fundamental principles of Christianity may still acted as alderman and sheriff? He cannot alter his be preserved, though every zealous sectary adheres conduct without confessing that he never acted upon to his own exclusive doctrine, and pious ecclesiastics principle of any kind. I should be sorry to injure make it a part of their religion to persecute one anthe character of a man, who, perhaps, may be honest other. The civil constitution, too, that legal liberty, in his intentions, by supposing it possible that he can that general creed which every Englishman professes, ever concur with you in any political measure or may still be supported, though Wilkes and Horne, opinion.

and Townsend and Sawbridge, should obstinately reIf, on the other hand, you mean to persevere in fuse to communicate, and even if the fathers of the those resolutions for the public good, which, though church, if Savile, Richmond, Camden, Rockingham, not always successful, are always honorable, your and Chatham, should disagree in the ceremonies of choice will naturally incline to those men who their political worship, and even in the interpreta(whatever they be in other respects) are most likely tion of twenty texts in Magna Charta. I speak to to co-operate with you in the great purpose which the people, as one of the people. Let us employ you are determined not to relinquish. The question these men in whatever departments their various is not of what metal your instruments are made, but abilities are best suited to, and as much to the adwhether they are adapted to the work you have in hand. vantage of the common cause, as their different inThe honors of the city, in these times, are improp-clinations will permit. They cannot serve us witherly, because exclusively, called a reward. You mean out essentially serving themselves. not merely to pay, but to employ. Are Mr. Crosby! If Mr. Nash be elected, he will hardly venture after and Mr. Sawbridge likely to execute the extraordi- so recent a mark of the personal esteem of his fellownary, as well as the ordinary, duties of lord mayor? citizens, to declare himself immediately a courtier. Will they grant you common halls when it shall be The spirit and activity of the sheriffs will, I hope, be necessary ? Will they go up with remonstrances to sufficient to counteract any sinister intentions of the the king? Have they firmness enough to meet the lord mayor. In collision with their virtue, perhaps, fury of a venal honse of commons ? Have they for- he may take fire. titude enough not to shrink at imprisonment? Have It is not necessary to exact from Mr. Wilkes the they spirit enough to hazard their lives and fortunes virtues of a Stoic. They were inconsistent with in a contest, if it should be necessary, with a prosti-themselves, who, almost at the same moment, repretuted legislature? If these questions can fairly be sented him as the basest of mankind, yet seemed to answered in the affirmative, your choice is made. expect from him such instances of fortitude and selfForgive this passionate language. I am unable to denial, as would do honor to an apostle. It is not correct it. The subject comes home to us all. It is however, flattery to say, that he is obstinate, intrepid, the language of my heart.

and fertile in expedients. That he has no possible JUNIUS. resource but in the public favor, is, in my judgment,

a considerable recommendation of him. I wish that

every man who pretended to popularity were in the LETTER LVIII.

same predicament. I wish that a retreat to St. TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER.

James's were not so easy and open as patriots have

found it. To Mr. Wilkes there is no access. HowSIR

October 5, 1771. lever he may be misled by passion or imprudence, I No man laments more sincerely than I do, the think he cannot be guilty of a deliberate treachery unhappy differences which have arisen among the to the public. The favor of his country constitutes friends of the people, and divided them from each the shield which defends him against a thousand other. The cause, undoubtedly, suffers as well by daggers. Desertion would disarm him. the diminution of that strength which union carries! I can more readily admire the liberal spirit and integrity, than the sound judgment, of any man who pretation of my country, when I acknowledge an inprefers a republican form of government, in this or voluntary, compulsive assent to one very unpopular any other empire of equal extent, to a monarchy so opinion. I lament the unhappy necessity, whenever qualified and limited as ours. I am convinced, that it arises, of providing for the safety of the state by a neither is it in theory the wisest system of govern- temporary invasion of the personal liberty of the subment, nor practicable in this country. Yet, though Iject. Would to God it were practicable to reconcile hope the English constitution will forever preserve these important objects, in every possible situation its original monarchical form, I would have the man- of public affairs! | regard the legal liberty of the ners of the people purely and strictly republican. I meanest man in Britain as much as my own, and do not mean the licentious spirit of anarchy and riot. would defend it with the same zeal. I know we I mean a general attachment to the commonweal, must stand or fall together. But I never can doubt, distinct from any partial attachment to persons or that the community has a right to command, as well families“; an implicit submission to the laws only; as to purchase, the service of its members. I see and an affection to the magistrate, proportioned to that right founded originally upon a necessity which the integrity and wisdom with which he distributes supersedes all argument: I see it established by justice to his people, and administers their affairs. usage immemorial, and admitted by more than a The present habit of our political body appears to me tacit assent of the legislature. I conclude there is the very reverse of what it ought to be. The form no remedy, in the nature of things, for the grievance of the constitution leans rather more than enough to complained of; for, if there were, it must long since the popular branch; while, in effect, the manners of have been redressed. Though numberlt ss opportuthe people (of those at least who are likely to take a nities have presented themselves, highly favorable to lead in the country) incline too generally to a de- public liberty, no successful attempt has ever been pendence upon the crown. The real friends of arbi- made for the relief of the subject in this article. Yet trary power combine the facts, and are not inconsist it has been felt and complained of ever since England ent with their principles, when they strenuously sup- had a navy. The conditions which constitute this port the unwarrantable privileges assumed by the right must be taken together; separately, they have house of commons. In these circumstances, it were little weight. It is not fair to argue, from any abuse much to be desired, that we had many such men as in the execution, to the illegality of the power; much Mr. Sawbridge to represent us in parliament. I speak less is a conclusion to be drawn from the navy to the from common report and opinion only, when I im- land service. A seaman can never be employed but pute to him a speculative predilection in favor of a against the enemies of his country. The only case republic. In the personal conduct and manners of the in which the king can have a right to arm his subman I cannot be mistaken. He has shown himself jects in general, is that of a foreign force being actopossessed of that republican firmness which the times ally landed upon our coast. Whenever that case require ; and by which an English gentleman may be happens, no true Englishman will inquire whether as usefully and as honorably distinguished, as any the king's right to compel him to defend his country citizen of ancient Rome, of Athens, or Lacedemon. be the custom of England, or a grant of the legisla

Mr. Townshend complains that the public gratitude ture. With regard to the press for seamen, it does has not been answerable to his deserts. It is not difficult not follow that the symptoms may not be softened, to trace the artifices which have suggested to him a although the distemper cannot be cured. Let bounlanguage so unworthy of his understanding. A great ties be increased as far as the public purse can sup man commands the affections of the people : a pru-port them. Still they have a limit; and when every dent man does not complain when he has lost them. reasonable expense is incurred, it will be found, in Yet they are far from being lost to Mr. Townsend. He fact, that the spur of the press is wanted to give has treated our opinion a little too cavalierly. A young operation to the bounty. man is apt to rely too confidently upon himself, to be Upon the whole, I never had a doubt about tbe as attentive to his mistress as a polite and passionate strict right of pressing, until I heard that lord Mans lover ought to be. Perhaps he found her at first too field had applauded lord Chatham for delivering easy a conquest. Yet I fancy she will be ready to something like this doctrine in the house of lords. receive him whenever he thinks proper to renew his That consideration staggered me not a little. But. addresses. With all his youth, his spirit, and his ap | upon reflection, his conduct accounts naturally for pearance, it would be indecent in the lady to solicit itself. He knew the doctrine was unpopular, and his return.

was eager to fix it upon the man who is the first I have too much respect for the abilities of Mr. object of his fear and detestation. The cunning Horne, to flatter myself that these gentlemen will Scotchman never speaks truth without a fraudulent ever be cordially re-united. It is not, however, un- design. In council, be generally affects to take a modreasonable to expect, that each of them should act erate part. Besides his natural timidity, it makes his separate part with honor and integrity to the part of his political plan, never to be known to re public. As for differences of opinion upon specula-commend violent measures. When the guards are tive questions, if we wait until they are reconciled, called forth to murder their fellow subjects, it is not the action of human affairs must be suspended for by the ostensible advice of lord Mansfield. That ever. But neither are we to look for perfection in odious office, his prudence tells him, is better left to any one man, nor for agreement among many. When such men as Gower and Weymouth, as Barrington lord Chatham affirms, that the authority of the British and Grafton. Lord Hillsborough wisely confines his legislature is not supreme over the colonies in the firmness to the distant Americans. The designs of same sense in which it is supreme over Great Britain; Mansfield are more subtle, more effectual, and secure, when lord Camden supposes a necessity (which the Who attacks the liberty of the press? Lord Mans king is to judge of,) and, founded upon that neces- field. Who invades the constitutional power of sity, attributes to the crown a legal power (not given juries? Lord Mansfield. What judge ever chalby the act itself,) to suspend the operation of an act lenged a juryman but lord Mansfield ? Who was of the legislature; I listen to them both with diffi- that judge, who, to save the king's brother, affirmed dence and respect, but without the smallest degree on that a man of the first rank and quality, who obtains conviction or assent. Yet I doubt not they delivered a verdict in a suit for criminal conversation, is entheir real sentiments, nor ought they to be hastily titled to no greater damages than the meanest me condemned. I too have a claim to the candid interchanio? Lord Mansfield. Who is it makes commis

ioners of the great seal ? Lord Mansfield. Who is cording to the offices they affect; and, when they t that forms a decree for those commissioners, de quit the service, let us endeavor to supply their iding against lord Chatham, and afterwards (find- places with better men than we have lost. In this ng himself opposed by the judges) declares, in par-country there are always candidates enough for popu. iament, that he never had a doubt that the law was lar favor. The temple of fame is the shortest passage

direct opposition to that decree? Lord Mansfield. to riches and preferment. Who is he that has made it the study and practice of Above all things, let me guard my countrymen is life to undermine and alter the whole system of against the meanness and folly of accepting of a urisprudence in the court of king's bench? Lord trifling or moderate compensation for extraordinary Mansfield. There never existed a man but himself and essential injuries. Our enemy treats us as the vho answered exactly to so complicated a descrip-cunning trader does the unskilful Indian ; they ion. Compared to these enormities, his original at- magnify their generosity, when they give us baubles achment to the pretender (to whom his dearest of little proportionate value for ivory and gold. The brother was confidential secretary) is a virtue of the same house of commons, who robbed the constituent irst magnitude. But the hour of impeachment will body of their right of free election; who presume to ome, and neither he nor Grafton shall escape me. / make a law, under pretence of declaring it; who paid Now let them make common cause against England our good king's debts, without once inquiring how ind the house of Hanover. A Stuart and a Murray | they were incurred; who gave thanks for repeated hould sympathise with each other.

murders committed at home, and for national infamy When I refer to signal instances of unpopular opin incurred abroad; who screened lord Mansfield; who ons, delivered and maintained by men, who may imprisoned the magistrates of the metropolis for well be supposed to have no view but the public asserting the subject's right to the protection of the Food, I do not mean to renew the discussion of such laws; who erased a judicial record, and ordered all spinions. I should be sorry to revive the dormant proceedings in a criminai suit to be suspended : this juestions of Stamp Act, Corn Bill, or Press Warrant. very house of commons have graciously consented I mean only to illustrate one useful proposition, that their own members may be compelled to pay which it is the intention of this paper to inculcate, their debts, and that contested elections shall, for the

That we should not generally reject the friendship future, be determined with some decent regard to or services of any man, because he differs from us in

the merits of the case. The event of the suit is of no particular opinion." This will not appear a super

consequence to the crown. While parliaments are Huous caution, if we observe the ordinary conduct septennial, the purchase of the sitting member, or of of mankind. In public affairs. there is the least the petitioner, makes but the difference of a day. chance of a perfect concurrence of sentiments or in

Concessions such as these are of little moment to the clination: yet every man is able to contribute some- sum of things; unless it be to prove that the worst thing to the common stock, and no man's contribu- of men are sensible of the injuries they have done us. tion should be rejected. If individuals have no vir- and perhaps to demonstrate to us the imminent tues, their vices may be of use to us. I care not with danger of our situation. In the shipwreck of the what principle the new born patriot is animated, if state, trifles float, and are preserved; while every the measures he supports are beneficial to thc com- | thing solid and valuable sinks to the bottom, and is munity. The nation is interested in his conduct. I lost forever. His motives are his own. The properties of a patriot

JUNIUS. are perishable in the individual; but there is a quick succession of subjects, and the breed is worth preserving. The spirit of the Americans may be an use

LETTER LIX. ful example to us. Our dogs and our horses are only

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. English upon English ground ; but patriotism, it seems, may be improved by transplanting. I will

October 15, 1771. not reject a bill which tends to confine parliamentary I am convinced that Junius is incapable of wil. privilege within reasonable bounds, though it should fully misrepresenting any man's opinion, and that be stolen from the house of Cavendish, and intro- his inclination leads him to treat lord Camden with duced by Mr. Onslow. The features of the infant are particular candor and respect. The doctrine attriba proof of the descent, and vindicate the noble birth uted to him by Junius, as far as it goes, corresponds from the baseness of the adoption. I willingly ac- with that stated by your correspondent Scavola, who cept of a sarcasm from colonel Barre, or a simile from seems to make a distinction without a difference. Mr. Burke. Even the silent vote of Mr. Calcraft is Lord Camden it is agreed, did certainly maintain, worth reckoning in a division. What though he that, in the recess of parliament, the king (by which riots in the plunder of the army, and has only deter-we all mean tbe king in council or the executive mined to be a patriot when he could not be a peer? power) might suspend the operation of an act of the Let us profit by the assistance of such men while legislature; and he founded his doctrine upon a they are with us, and place them, if it be possible, supposed necessity, of which the king, in the first in the post of danger, to prevent desertion. The instance, must be judge. The lords and commons wary Wedderburne, the pompous Suffolk, never cannot be judges of it in the first instance, for they threw away the scabbard, nor ever went upon a for- do not exist. Thus far Junius. lorn hope. They always treated the king's servants But, says Scævola, lord Camden made parliament, as men with whom, some time or other, they might and not the king, judges of the necessity. That probably be in friendship. When a man, who stands parliament may review the acts of ministers, is forth for the public, has gone that length from which unquestionable; but there is a wide difference there is no practicable retreat, when he has given between saying, that the crown has a legal power and that kind of personal offense, which a pious monarch that the ministers may act at their peril. When we never pardons, I then begin to think him in earnest, say that an act is illegal, we mean that it is forand that he will never have occasion to solicit the bidden by a joint resolution of the three estates. forgiveness of his country. But instances of a deter- How a subsequent resolution of two of those branches mination so entire and unreserved are rarely met can make it legal, ab initio, will require explanation. with. Let us take mankind as they are ; let us dis- If it could, the consequences would be truly dreadtribute the virtues and abilities of individuals ac- | ful, especially in these times. There is no act of


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