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sor. It is in this reign that the epoch of the progress of the Buddhic religion may be placed-a progress that the Taosse and the literati endeavoured in vain to arrest ;-the first by rivaling them in deceptions and impostures, and the other in making representations conformable to right reason and the soundest policy. The people ran in multitudes to the monasteries of Fo thou tchhing; many there embraced a religious and contemplative life, and their number became so great, that Khi-loung was obliged to listen to the remonstrances of the literati on a subject that so powerfully affected Chinese manners. That created some coolness between Fo thou tchhing and him. Another event increased the dissatisfaction Prince Soui Khi-loung's son lost one of his children, in opposition to the promises which an able physician and a Tao Sse who attended, had made of his recovery. Fo thou tchhing had predicted this occurrence, but was unable or unwilling to employ the power he exercised for Chi le's Son, and from that time Soui indulged such violent hatred against him as obliged the philosopher to remain at a 'distance from the court. They were, however, obliged to have recourse to him in an extraordinary drought that desolated the empire. The ceremonies usually performed in China, under these circumstances, having produced no effect, Fo thou tchhing was entreated to remove this scourge ;-scarcely had he commenced his conjurations, when a white dragon, with two heads, descended on the altar, and the same day an abundant rain descended to fertilize many hundred leagues of territory. They continued afterwards to consult him on different occasions, to explain dreams, deliver predictions, and give the key to those natural phenomena to which the Chinese have always attached superstitious ideas. But at last there was a great difference between him and the prince relative to some pictures and portraits of celebrated men, executed for a newly built temple. Khi loung was so much dissatisfied with the execution of these paintings, that he would not speak again to Fo thou tchhing. Upon seeing that he had lost the esteem of his master, he had a tomb excavated west of the city Ye, and said to his disciples, the year of the cycle Meou chen (360), many troubles will appear, and the year I yeou (361), the Chi family will be entirely destroyed.

I therefore submit to the laws of transmigration before seeing such misfortunes. He died in the monastery of Ye koung. The Chinese history that has furnished the preceding details, does not mark the year of his death; but it appears certain that it happened in 349. Some time after a Chamen, who came to Young tcheou to honour him and visit his tomb, Khi loung ordered the opening of his tomb, when they found a stone instead of Fo thou tchhing's body. Khi loung said, referring to the name of his family Chi stone, "This stone is me ;-you may bury me, for I shall soon die." He fell sick, and died the following year. His death was the signal of great troubles, and of the overthrow of his family, conformably to Fou-thou-thchhing's prediction. Whatever opinion the vulgar might form of the latter, they could not avoid seeing in him an extraordinary man-at least in the talent he displayed in preserving an unspotted reputation, though surrounded by rivals and enemies, and in choosing appropriately the time, place, and spectators, of the deceptions by which he sustained his doctrines. The philosophy that he professed, born in the ancient schools of India, and sister to that of Pythagoras, did not disdain the means disallowed by strict morality, but allowed by policy in countries and ages where they may be employed successfully. Those who know the important services rendered to humanity by the sect of Buddha, in civilizing the Tartars, and restoring repose and peace to many of the regions of higher Asia, will not blame Fo thou tchhing for having employed means for its establishment, that the most severe philosophers of antiquity have often used with less noble views, or according to an inferior plan. It may be remarked, in concluding, that the prodigies performed by Fo thou tchhing are reported by contemporary authors as being of public notoriety, and having nations for witnesses. This is another coincidence between him and Alexander of Tyana,+ who was sup posed, like this Samanean, to predict future events, explain omens, know immediately distant events, and even raise the dead.

I. P. ABEL DE REMUSAT.

* History of the Tsen dynasty, 2nd part Biography, ch, 95, p. 13, &c.

† See Du Pin's History of Apollonius Tyaneus, and Philostratas de Vita Apollonii. the Abbé Hantville's View of Deistical Writers,

ACCOUNT
OF

A PASSAGE IN AN OPEN BOAT ACROSS THE BAY OF BENGAL, By the Captain and Boat's Crew of the Daphne, in 1808.

every thing was now at stake. We reached the rocks as speedily as possible, and with a great deal of trouble got her off, but alas almost too late, she was nearly beaten to pieces. We remained with her until high water, when we made her fast, went back to the house and slept till daylight. Our first thoughts now were to repair our boat in the best manner possible; and this we effected by pulling a nail out of one place, and putting it into another, cutting up some rope for oakum and caulking her as well as we could. We were forced to cut up our shirts to assist in caulking her as we had not oakum enough. Our tools consisted of a knife, a large stone for a hammer, and a piece of wood for a caulking iron. By the time we had completed our job, the rain had ceased, and the face of the heavens began to assume a different appearance. We went to the Bhurmans house to dine. After dinner the Bhurmans pressed us much to go on board and get them a bag or two of rice, as during our stay on the island we had almost eaten up their 'stock. They said, if we would give them a little rice, they would help to catch turtle for We could not object to their proposal, as we had been living on their provisions so long. We could get no turtles till night, and the weather seeming fine; in the evening about half an hour before sunset we launched our boat and pulled for the brig: but so much had she suffered on the rocks, that we were forced to have one man constantly at work to bale out the water which came in very rapidly. At sunset we were in the brig's wake, pulling for her. We observed the people on board veering a buoy astern to us, but had the mortification to see ourselves go astern as fast as the buoy did. They could give us no assistance from on board, for they had no boat, and had two anchors down. If they had cut, they certainly must have been on the rocks before they could have been able to manage the vessel. About an hour after dark we saw two lights; one we supposed to be the VOL. III. 2 X

THE Daphne brig, Edward Harman, Master, quitted the town of Rangoon on the 28th of October 1808. About sunset on Nov. the 4th, we saw Diamond Island bearing N.W. W., and at two P. M. on the following day came to an anchor in five and a half fathoms mud. I attended the Captain and six hands to the shore in search of turtle. At the north end of the island we found a small hut, inhabited by five Bhurmans (natives of Pegu) who had been sent here to collect the turtles' eggs for the king of Ava. They were very hospitable to us, and shewed every inclination to oblige us. On returning to the part of the shore on which we landed, we found from the squalliness of the weather, and the height of the surf that we could not reach our boat, then at anchor under the care of one of the men. We made a fire under a large tree, and obtained some rice and fish from the Bhurmans, on which we made a good supper. The weather continued bad through the night, and to add to our misfortune we only caught one turtle. At day-break next morning, the appearance of the weather indicated an increase of the storm, and we were then soaked to the skin by the rain. The Daphne still rode it out very easy. The Bhurmans supplied us with food. The weather becoming still worse soon after middle day our boat began to drive, and we were obliged to order the man on board to cut the painter, and let her come on shore. He did so, and with the assistance of the. Bhurmans we got her secured high and dry on the beach. We dined with the Bhurmans, and at dusk, leaving one man to take care of the boat the rest retired to sleep-In the middle of the night we were all turned out, as the tide had risen so high, that our boat had flooded, and was driven among the rocks. It was an awful and tremendous night; the gale was furious, accompanied by heavy rain, with a foaming sea all round, and our poor boat was seen on the rocks beating to pieces; there was no time to think: Asiatic Journ.-No. 16.

us.

vessel's, the other from its largeness, we imagined to be on shore. We pulled towards the one we took for the brig's. In about half an hour we were extremely alarmed by losing both the lights. We knew not which way to pull; to lay-to was impossible, and we had no hope but in Providence who is ever attentive to the exertions of unhappy men. We kept pulling and baling all night; once or twice we heard breakers very loud, and we anxiously waited for the morning to know our situation, particularly as the night was cloudy and squally.

At day-light on the 8th we were much surprised to be just in sight of high land to the northward. We judged it to be the northward by the sun's rising, for we had no compass in the boat. The wind we found to be northerly-we in with our oars, up with the foremast, and set the only sail we had-we stood to the eastward all day, and at sunset put about, and stood to the westward-we still saw the land, but it appeared further offabout midnight finding ourselves in rollers we tacked and stood to the eastward -it blew fresh and rather squally, and we were obliged to reef the sail.

When day broke on the 9th, to our mortification there was no land in sight. The Captain and I consulted what was best to be done, and expecting that we should have the wind fresh from the E. and N.E. judged it best to make a fair wind of it, and run for the Coromandel coast. At noon we up helm, and went with a flowing sheet to the westward in hopes of crossing the bay in five days, or else of falling in with some ship. During the day a flying fish dropped into the boat, when all hands jumped at it. Fortune favouring my exertions, I gained the prize and soon devoured it.

Thursday the 10th and Friday the 11th we had fine fresh breezes, chiefly from the eastward, with clear weather. On the 12th we found ourselves so very thirsty that water was much in request by all. Every morning and evening, we bathed ourselves, and during the day kept throwing water over our heads; this allayed our thirst very much, which had now become our greatest enemy. This day we had very light airs from the N.W. with a heavy swell; we expected a gale of wind from that quarter, which if it had come,

in all probability would have overwhelmed us, and put us out of our misery. Just before sunset we had the high consolation of observing a vessel bearing N.W.; there being little wind we pulled right for her, and by her movements I believe she saw us, for soon after she came down towards us, with studding sails set, low and aloft. This sight rejoiced us, and infused into us such a degree of temporary strength as made us pull with double vigour. We thought our troubles at an end, but, alas ! Providence ordained that greater misfortunes were still to be endured by us. Captain Harman thinking we did not near the vessel fast enough, ordered our sail to be taken in, supposing that it impeded our going through the water as we were pulling in the wind's eye. No sooner was that done, than the vessel took in her studding sails and hauled her wind to the eastward. We hoisted our sail again, but to no purpose, she still kept to the eastward, which was a heart-breaking sight to us all. The temporary strength which the sight of her had excited, now forsook us: our spirits sunk, and we could no longer pull. As night approached we stood as nearly as we could judge to the W.N.W. When the vessel hauled her wind to the eastward, we could plainly make out that she was a brig; we saw her top sails, and part of her courses, main sail, &c.

Sunday the 13th. This day our thirst was great indeed; we had undergone such fatigue, and were so much weakened, that we expected every hour to be our last. The water thrown over our bodies did not allay our thirst as at first, and being reduced to the last extremity, we were forced to drink our urine, which I must say revived and consoled us exceedingly. Monday and Tuesday nothing happened to break in upon our state of painful suspence. We had the wind light from the northward with a very heavy swell from the N.W.; we still kept bathing every morning and evening, and drinking as before-mentioned.

Wednesday the people began to be very dull. Some of them found their thirst so intolerable that they drank a great quantity of salt water, although the Captain and I advised them not to do so. About ten o'clock at night, we were all roused by hearing the cry of fresh water along

side. One of the people being excessively dry, in drinking the water alongside really thought it had been fresh; we all began to drink immediately, and it was some time before we found out our mistake, so much was our taste injured. On the 17th at sunset we thought we saw very high land right ahead, but having been often disappointed by mistaking clouds for high land, we paid but little attention to it. During the night the heavy swell from the N.W. went down, when a cross sea took its place, and a fine breeze sprung up from the eastward.

On Friday at day-light the water was much discoloured, a general sign of being near land, but still none could be seen. One of the men was now so senseless, and so weak, that he could not sit upright. As the sun arose, and cleared away the clouds, we had the heartfelt satisfaction of seeing high land. "What a joyful sight was this to poor creatures nearly sinking under fatigue and want of food. As we neared the land, we saw a number of huts and the natives walking on shore. About noon we ran the boat on the beach, but were in a condition too weak to walk. The natives assisted us, and as soon as they knew our situation, fetched us hot congy (the water in which rice is boiled) and gave it us to drink, of which we took a great quantity. Each man was led between two people to the hut appointed to us, and we were furnished with every thing we wished for, except cold water. We had no desire to eat, but craved cold

water, which the natives would not give us, but supplied us plentifully with hot congy. Just as we were sitting down on the straw, we were informed that one of our people was dead. It was the poor man who had been so bad in the morning.

The name of the place at which we arrived, is Poondy. It is situated about sixty miles to the southward of Ganjam, and thirty to the northward of Calingapatam. On the 25th Captain Harman went to Calingapatam to procure a supply of money and clothes from the Beach master at that place. He returned on the 28th, and on the 29th, after furnishing the men with money enough to carry them to Bengal, the Captain and myself started in Doolis carried by four men. We followed the coast and travelled almost without intermission night and day. On the 15th of December we reached Tom

buke, when we took a boat for Calcutta, and on going up the river, to our very great astonishment saw our brig at anchor waiting for the flood tide to carry her up. We went alongside, and every soul on board was thunderstruck to see us, having given us up as dead. They waited four days at Diamond Island, expecting our return. In running across the bay they had bad weather, and on seeing any drifts went down to them, expecting they might be the boat. We weighed on the flood and arrived at Kuddupore on the 16th of December, and on the 23d our poor fellow sufferers arrived, looking very well after so long a march.

CONCERNING THE MINES OF SIAM.

(From M. de la Loubere's Historicul Relation of the Kingdom of Siam; 1687-8.)

No country has greater reputation of being rich in mines than the country of Siam, and the great quantity of idols and other cast works which are there seen, evinces that they have been better cultivated in former times than they now are. It is believed, likewise, that they thence extracted that great quantity of gold wherewith their superstition has adorned, not only their almost innumerable idols, but the wainscot and roofs of their temples. They discover daily pits anciently dug, and the remains of a great many fur

naces, thought to have been abandoned during the ancient wars of Pegu.

Nevertheless the king that now reigns has not been able to find any vein of gold or silver, that is worth the pains he has therein employed, although he has applied to this work some Europeans; among the rest a Spaniard from Mexico, who found, if not a fortune, at least his subsistence for twenty years, even to his death, by flattering the avarice of the prince with imaginary promises of infinite treasures. After having dug and mined

in several places they light only on some very mean copper mines, but intermixed with a little gold and silver, five hundred weight of ore scarce yielding an ounce of metal; neither understood they how to make the separation of metals. But the king of Siam, to make this mixture more precious, caused some gold to be added to it: this is called tambac. It is said that the mines of Borneo do naturally produce it very rich; the scarcity of it augments its price, as formerly that of the Corinthian brass: but the quantity of gold may be believed to make its true value; for when the king ordered crucifixes to be made to present to the christians, the most noble and smallest part, which is the Christ, was of gold, the cross alone of tambac. Vincent le Blanc relates, that the Peguers have a mixture of lead and copper, called ganze, or ganza, of which they make statues, and a small money, which is not stamped with the royal mark, but which every one has a right to make.

From Siam we brought away Mr. Vincent, who had come from France with the bishop of Babylon to go into Persia: understanding the mathematics and chemistry, the king of Siam had retained him Some time to work in his mines.

He informed me that he had rectified the labours of the Siamese in some things, so as to render them more profitable. He shewed them a mine of very good iron at the top of a mountain. He discovered to them one of crystal, one of antimony, one of emeril (emery), and some others, with a quarry of white marble. Besides this he found out a gold mine, which to him appeared very rich, but he has not shewed it them. Several Siamese, mostly Talapoins*, came secretly to consult him about the art of purifying and separating metals, and brought divers specimens of very rich ore: from some he extracted a very good quantity of fine silver, and from others a compound of several metals.

As for tin and lead, the Siamese have long since obtained it from very plentiful

Talapoin is a name given to the priests or Rahaans.-Editor.

mines, and though not very skilful, yet they cease not to raise a considerable revenue by it. This tin, or calin, is sold throughout all India; it is soft and badly purified; a specimen may be seen in the common tea boxes or canisters from this country. To render it harder and white, like the metal of the finer tea boxes, they mix it with cadmiat, a sort of mineral, easily reducible to powder, which being melted with the copper makes it yellow but it renders both these metals more brittle, and it is this white tin which they call toutinague.

In the neighbourhood of the city of Louvo they have a mountain of loadstone. They have also another near Jonsalan (Junksilan), a city seated in an island of the gulph of Bengal, which is not above the distance of a man's voice from the coast of Siam; but the loadstone dug at Junksilan loses its virtue in two or three months. I know not whether it is not the same in that of Louvo. In the mountains they find very curious agate; and Mr. Vincent has seen, he tells me, in the hands of the Talapoins, some samples of sapphire and diamond from the mine.

I have already said, that the city of Campeng-pell is famous for mines of excellent iron. The inhabitants forge arms of them after their fashion, as sabres, poinards, and knives. The knife they call pen is used by all, and is not looked upon as arms, although it may serve upon occasion: the blade is three or four fingers broad, and about long.

foot

They know how to melt the iron of their mines, but have very little of it, and are besides bad forgemen. For their gallies they have wooden anchors, and to the end that these anchors may sink they fasten stones to them. They have neither pins nor needles, nor nails, chisels, nor saws. They use pins of bambu in building their houses, even as our ancestors used thorns.

Cadmia is the name given by the Latins to brass ore, but brass is itself a compound of copper and zinc, the latter metal is therefore most probably that intended.-Editor.

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