A CIVIL and a Military Kalendar are printed quarterly in China. The Civil Kalendar for the Autumn of 1814, was lately presented to the East India Company's library by Mr. Reeves, assistant inspector of teas at Canton. It is entitled Ta tsing tsin chin tsuen chu, and consists of four small octavo volumes.Editions are published in a larger form, and more elegantly printed.

The preface is succeeded by the titles of the nine orders of Mandarines, each divided into two classes, their distinctive badges, which are described by De Guignes, Voyage à Peking, tom. 2. 470474, and salaries independent of appointments, descending from 180 leang, at 6s. 8d. each, and 1800 ho of grain to

33 leang and 30 ho. Kang hys Dictionary states the ho at 10 bushels, but two systems of arithmetic state that now it contains only 5, and sometimes only 24.

The number of Mandarines of each denomination, distinguishing the Mantchous, Mongals, Tartarised Chinese, and Chinese, in the supreme council and superior tribunals.-An imperfect and underrated statement of their numbers was published by Père Amyot, in the sixth tome of Mémoires concernant les Chinois, 280-282.

Edicts, prescribing the modes of salutation, &c. among the Mandarines, and miscellaneous regulations.

Tables of distances between the court and capitals of provinces, &c.

The number of Kuu jin licentiates elected triennially in each province, amounting to 1241.-See Semedo's History of China, 41-45.

The names and titles of the Officers composing the principal tribunals.-See Magaillan's Nouvelle Relation de la Chine, 190-243.

Extent and boundaries of the provinces, number of cities, establishment of Officers and revenues.

The following table exhibits the gross amount of taxes, part of which is ex

to have acted as politically as the sheep who delivered their dog to the wolves. Queck Foe though a bad man, was allowed to be a man of abilities; and by the discerning esteemed the only one capable of making head against the dangers that now threatened on all sides. Sensible of this, the Tonquinese, as soon as he was delivered into their hands, treated him with the utmost deference, and made use of his knowledge to possess themselves of the country; they immediately laid siege to Heú, the capital, and took it. The king fled to Donai; from thence to Pulo Condore, where he was taken and put to death; the minister was carried to Tonquin, where he was allowed to enjoy an honorable retreat.

The next day I returned on board the Amazon to prepare a few necessaries to go up to Bathai, in the Jenny, and desired Captain Hutton to wait for me where he was. Early in the morning I set out accompanied by Mr. Bayard and Mr. Totty; on approaching the mouth of the river, I perceived the Jenny running out with the Portuguese snow; expressing my surprise at this I found Captain Hutton had received intelligence that some persons he had left at Turon the year before, had been put to death by Ignaak, and that twenty or thirty of his gallies were then cruizing in a branch of the river two days sail from Bathai. Unacquainted with the force of these gallies, and having too much reason from the information, to suspect their hostile disposition towards us, especially if they were apprized of our having a relation of the late king on board, and the Amazon being deemed to draw too much water, and built too sharp to be brought into the river; I thought it most prudent entirely to drop my designs of proceeding to Bathai. Understanding however that there was still a party of the king's people making head against Iguaak in Donai, it was determined to proceed thither, in order to place our Mandarine and his people amongst their friends. Captain Hutton having received what instructions the Portuguese Captain could give him respecting the passage no pilot being to be had was to lead the way; we were to follow. These points adjusted I returned on board my own vessel, and the next morning we sailed.

The first of July we anchored under a pavaoatory supposed to be Cape St.

James, about a degree and an half distant from the west channel of Cambodia river; this was the first high land on the continent we met with. Here again we were all at a stand; nobody being able to point out the road to Donai. The Mandarine and his people never having been there, could give us no information. Vexed at my disappointment, 1 determined to go on shore myself in our pinnace and to endeavour to gain some intelligence; Mr. Bayard and the second officer were so obliging as to accompany me; I took two of the Mandarine's servants as linguists. When we reached the beach I sent them on shore, keeping every body else in the boat. After some time they came back leading two or three of the most miserable objects I ever beheld, upon the very point of perishing with hunger and disease. The linguists telling us we might land in security, we did so. These poor wretches then acquainted me that they belonged to a village hard by, in which were left about fifty more, much in the same condition as themselves; that a fleet of Ignaak, in its way to Donai, which it was now blockading, had two months before, paid them a visit, and plundered them of the scanty remains left by a horrid famine, supposed in the preceding years to have carried off more than one half of the whole inhabitants of Cochin China, and that they had nothing to eat now but a root thrown up by the surf on the beach, which caused them to break out in blotches all over their bodies; it was shaped something like a sweet potatoe, but longer. I was now no longer at a loss to account for the indifference, the wretches I saw at Tringano showed to my offer of procuring their release. They were not possessed of sufficient patriotism to prefer liberty with so scanty a fare in their own country, to slavery with a full belly in a foreign one. There is no slavery in China. On perceiving the mouths of two or three rivers to the N. W. and asking their names, they told me one of them ledto Donai. Several more of these objects were now gathering round me; distressed at this scene of misery not in my power to relieve, I hastened on board my boat, and took with me an old man who appeared the most intelligent, to inform our Mandarine of all he knew, and to enable us to determine what was next to be done,

A comfortable meal having cheered up the old man's spirits, he had a long conversation with his countrymen; the result of it was, that a village called Huttein a few hours sail from where we then were, having resisted the attack of Ignaak's fleet, the Mandarine was desirous of going to it, hoping to get some satisfactory intelligence of his friends. Thither we bent our course, the old man serving as a pilot. The next morning we anchored a breast of it. A number of fishing boats hovered about the vessel, but kept aloof till two of the Mandarine's servants were sent to them in a small prow; they then came to the number of fourteen or fifteen. Our Mandarine sent a message to the chief of the village by them. The people in these boats were stout personable men, and had not the least appearance of want amongst them. Every boat was well furnished with bows and arrows, swords and lances. In the afternoon the Mandarine of the village sent his compliments to our Mandarine, with a present of fish and betel, and apologised for not waiting upon him in person, on account of his being much indisposed. Our Mandarine appeared so well satisfied that he resolved to go on shore next morning; myself and the other gentlemen promising to attend him. Having sent the Mandarine of the village notice of our intentions, early in the morning some boats came from the shore to conduct us to the landing place. Our Mandarine's servants, who went on shore the evening before, and staid all night, came with them, and gave their master a favourable account of the inhabitants. They also brought on board with them a man who had formerly served as a soldier under the Mandarine's command; he seemed transported with joy on recognizing his old master. After breakfast we set out, the soldier sitting at the Mandarine's feet, and during our passage towards the shore, he recounted to his master the particulars of Ignaak's successes, the king's death, and how the people of this district had repulsed the rebel fleet. He acquainted him that the king's brother, whom they called Antoine, dissatisfied with his wife and the restraint he was kept under, had found means to escape from Ignaak, and was gone in arms with a considerable force into Benthoan,

Yet before the boat reached the shore, our Mandarine was seized with a panic which I never could learn the real cause of, and desired me, in a little broken Portuguese, to put about and return to the vessel. Unable to conceive his motives, his own servants assuring me there was no cause of apprehension, we continued our course, till the pinnace came into shallow water, and could proceed no further. Here we were preparing to get into a country boat, when the Mandarine caught hold of my clothes, earnestly intreating me to desist, crying out "Tyson! Tyson!" which is the name the adherents of Iguaak go by in the country. Mr. Moniz seeing this, offered to go on shore to learn who the people really were; Mr. Bayard accompanied him. They soon came back with the principal Mandarine of the village. He came into our boat, and invited our Mandarine on shore, the soldier offering to remain as an hostage, and to forfeit his head if any harm befel him. All was insufficient to remove his fears; he still cried out louder than ever to put back. Finding his timidity not to be overcome, I asked the Mandarine of the village to go with us to see our vessel: he did not hesitate. After he had been on board a short time, he complained of being very sick, and he really looked so. I therefore dismissed him, first making him a small present.

What to do or whither to go, I was now at a loss. If I determined to avoid every place in the hands of the enemies, or suspected enemies of our Mandarine, I was at once excluded from the whole country, and nothing remained but to return without further loss of time to Calcutta. Unwilling, however, or rather indeed ashamed, to leave Cochin China almost as totally uninformed as when I sailed from Bengal, I resolved, at all events, to prosecute my voyage as far as the bay of Turon, and, eventually, even to make a visit to the court of Ignaak. I was the more induced to this on account of the dispute which had arisen between some of his people and those of an English ship, the year before, in Turon harbour, the particulars of which I was not well informed of when I left Bengal.

(To be continued.)

sor.

It is in this reign that the epoch of the progress of the Buddhic religion may be placed-a progress that the Taosse and the literati endeavoured in vain to arrest; the first by rivaling them in deceptions and impostures, and the other in making representations conformable to right reason and the soundest policy. The people ran in multitudes to the monasteries of Fo thou tchhing; many there embraced a religious and contemplative life, and their number became so great, that Khi-loung was obliged to listen to the remonstrances of the literati on a subject that so powerfully affected Chinese manners. That created some coolness between Fo thou tchhing and him. Another event increased the dissatisfaction :Prince Soui Khi-loung's son lost one of his children, in opposition to the promises which an able physician and a Tao Sse who attended, had made of his recovery. Fo thou tchhing had predicted this occurrence, but was unable or unwilling to employ the power he exercised for 'Chi le's Son, and from that time Soui indulged such violent hatred against him as obliged the philosopher to remain at a 'distance from the court. They were, however, obliged to have recourse to him in an extraordinary drought that desolated the empire. The ceremonies usually performed in China, under these circumstances, having produced no effect, Fo thou tchhing was entreated to remove this scourge ;-scarcely had he commenced his conjurations, when a white dragon, with two heads, descended on the altar, and the same day an abundant rain descended to fertilize many hundred leagues of territory. They continued afterwards to consult him on different occasions, to explain dreams, deliver predictions, and give the key to those natural phenomena to which the Chinese have always attached superstitious ideas. But at last there was a great difference between him and the prince relative to some pictures and portraits of celebrated men, executed for a newly built temple. Khi loung was so much dissatisfied with the execution of these paintings, that he would not speak again to Fo thou tchhing. Upon seeing that he had lost the esteem of his master, he had a tomb excavated west of the city Ye, and said to his disciples, the year of the cycle Meou chen (360), many troubles will appear, and the year I yesu (361), the Chi family will be entirely destroyed.

I therefore submit to the laws of transmigration before seeing such misfortunes. He died in the monastery of Ye koung. The Chinese history* that has furnished the preceding details, does not mark the year of his death; but it appears certain that it happened in 349. Some time after a Chamen, who came to Young tcheou to honour him and visit his tomb, Khi loung ordered the opening of his tomb, when they found a stone instead of Fo thou tchhing's body. Khi loung said, referring to the name of his family Chi stone, "This stone is me ;-you may bury me, for I shall soon die." He fell sick, and died the following year. His death was the signal of great troubles, and of the overthrow of his family, conformably to Fou-thou-thchhing's prediction. Whatever opinion the vulgar might form of the latter, they could not avoid seeing in him an extraordinary man-at least in the talent he displayed in preserving an unspotted reputation, though surrounded by rivals and enemies, and in choosing appropriately the time, place, and spectators, of the deceptions by which he sustained his doctrines. The philosophy that he professed, born in the ancient schools of India, and sister to that of Pythagoras, did not disdain the means disallowed by strict morality, but allowed by policy in countries and ages where they may be employed successfully. Those who know the important services rendered to humanity by the sect of Buddha, in civilizing the Tartars, and restoring repose and peace to many of the regions of higher Asia, will not blame Fo thou tchhing for having employed means for its establishment, that the most severe philosophers of antiquity have often used with less noble views, or according to an inferior plan. It may be remarked, in concluding, that the prodigies performed by Fo thou tchling are reported by contemporary authors as being of public notoriety, and having nations for witnesses. This is another coincidence between him and Alexauder of Tyana,† who was supposed, like this Samanean, to predict future events, explain omens, know immediately distant events, and even raise the dead.

I. P. ABEL DE Remusat.

History of the Tsen dynasty, 2nd part Biography, ch. 95, p. 13, &e.

† See Du Pin's History of Apollonius Tyaneus, the Abbé Hantville's View of Deistical Writers, and Philostratas de Vita Apollonii.

OF

THE Daphne brig, Edward Harman, Master, quitted the town of Rangoon on the 28th of October 1808. About sunset on Nov. the 4th, we saw Diamond Island bearing N.W. W., and at two P. M. on the following day came to an anchor in five and a half fathoms mud. I attended the Captain and six hands to the shore in search of turtle. At the north end of the island we found a small hut, inhabited by five Bhurmans (natives of Pegu) who had been sent here to collect the turtles' eggs for the king of Ava. They were very hospitable to us, and shewed every inclination to oblige us. On returning to the part of the shore on which we landed, we found from the squalliness of the weather, and the height of the surf that we could not reach our boat, then at anchor under the care of one of the men. We made a fire under a large tree, and obtained some rice and fish from the Bhurmans, on which we made a good supper. The weather continued bad through the night, and to add to our misfortune we only caught one turtle. At day-break next morning, the appearance of the weather indicated an increase of the storm, and we were then soaked to the skin by the rain. The Daphne still rode it out very easy. The Bhurmans supplied us with food. The weather becoming still worse soon after middle day our boat began to drive, and we were obliged to order the man on board to cut the painter, and let her come on shore. He did so, and with the assistance of the. Bhurmans we got her secured high and dry on the beach. We dined with the Bhurmans, and at dusk, leaving one man to take care of the boat the rest retired to sleep-In the middle of the night we were all turned out, as the tide had risen so high, that our boat had flooded, and was driven among the rocks. It was an awful and tremendous night; the gale was furious, accompanied by heavy rain, with a foaming sea all round, and our poor boat was seen on the rocks beating to pieces; there was no time to think: Asiatic Journ.-No. 16.

every thing was now at stake. We reached the rocks as speedily as possible, and with a great deal of trouble got her off, but alas almost too late, she was nearly beaten to pieces. We remained with her until high water, when we made her fast, went back to the house and slept till daylight. Our first thoughts now were to repair our boat in the best manner possible; and this we effected by pulling a nail out of one place, and putting it into another, cutting up some rope for oakum and caulking her as well as we could. We were forced to cut up our shirts to assist in caulking her as we had not oakum enough. Our tools consisted of a knife, a large stone for a hammer, and a piece of wood for a caulking iron. By the time we had completed our job, the rain had ceased, and the face of the heavens began to assume a different appearance. We went to the Bhurmans house to dine. After dinner the Bhurmans pressed us much to go on board and get them a bag or two of rice, as during our stay on the island we had almost eaten up their stock. They said, if we would give them a little rice, they would help to catch turtle for We could not object to their proposal, as we had been living on their provisions so long. We could get no turtles till night, and the weather seeming fine; in the evening about half an hour before sunset we launched our boat and pulled for the brig: but so much had she suffered on the rocks, that we were forced to have oue man constantly at work to bale out the water which came in very rapidly. At sunset we were in the brig's wake, pulling for her. We observed the people on board veering a buoy astern to us, but had the mortification to see ourselves go astern as fast as the buoy did. They could give us no assistance from on board, for they had no boat, and had two anchors down. If they had cut, they certainly must have been on the rocks before they could have been able to manage the vessel. About an hour after dark we saw two lights; one we supposed to be the VOL. III. 2 X

us.