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cried out that the point of the leaf on my hack hail touched the cloth. This proved to me that the point of the dog's tail must have done so too, and that my garment was therefore polluted. In my rage, I pulled down the beautiful-raiment, and tore it in a thousand pieces, loading with curses both the dog and his master.

"When this foolish act was known, I became the laughing stock of all the world; aod I was universally treated as a madman. 'Even if the dog,' they all said: 'had touched the cloth, and so brought defilement upon it, might not you have washed it a second time, and so have removed the stain? Or might younot have given it to some poor Sudra rather than tear it in pieces? After such egregious folly, who will give you clothes another time?' This was all true; forever since, when I have begged clothing of any one, the constant answer has been, that no doubt 1 wanted a piece of cloth to pull to pieces."

He was going on, when a bystander Interrupted him by remarking that he seemed to understand going on all fours. "Exceedingly well," says he, " as you shall see;" and off he shuffled in that posture, amidst the unbounded laughter of the spectators.

"Enough, enough 1" said the president. "What we have both heard and seen goes a great way in his favor. But let us now hear what the next of you has to say for himself, in proof of his stupidity." The second accordingly began, by *xprcssiug Iris confidence, that, if what they had just heard appeared to them to be deserving of the salutation of the soldier, what he had to say would change that opinion.

"Having got my hair and beard shaven oue day," he continued, "in order to appear decent at a public festival of the Brahmans (the Samaradanam), which had been proclaimed through all the district, I desired my wife to give the barber a penny for his trouble. She heedlessly gave him a collide. I asked of him to give tae one of them back; but he refused. Upon that we quarrelled, and began to abuse each other; but the barber at length pacified me, by offering, in consideration of the double fee, to shave my wife also. 1 thought this a fair way of settling the difference between us. But my wife,

Asiatic /ok/vj.—no. 16.

hearing the proposal, and seeing the barber in earnest, tried to make her escape by flight. I took hold of her and forced her to 3it down, while he shaved her poll in the same manner as they serve widows. During the operation, she cried out bitterly; but I was inexorable, thinking it less hard that my wife should be close shaven than that my peni:y should be given away for nothing. When the barber had finished, I let her go, and she retired immediately to a place of concealment, pouring down curses on me and the barber. He took his departure; and meet ■ iug my mother in his way, told her what he had done; which made her hasten to the house, to inquire into the outrage; and when she saw with her own eyes that it was all true, she also loaded me with invectives.

"The barber published every where what had happened at our house ; and the villain added to the story, that 1 had caught her with another man, which was the cause of my having her shaved; and people were no doubt expecting, according to our custom in such a case, to see her mounted on the ass, with her face turned towards the tail. They came running to my dwelling from all quarters, and actually brought an ass to make the usual exhibition in the streets. The report soon reached my father-in-law, who lived at a distance of ten or twelve leagues, and he, with his wife, came also to inquire into the affair. Seeing their poor daughter in that degraded state, and licing apprised of the only reason; they reproached me most bitterly; which I patiently endured, being conscious that I was in the wrong. They persisted, however, to take her with them, and kept hercarefiilly concealed from every eye for four whole years; when at length they restored her to me.

"This little accident male me lose the Samaradanam, for which I had been preparing by a fast of three days; and it was a great mortification to me to be excluded from it, as 1 understood that it was a most splendid entertainment. Another Samaradanam was announced to be held ten days Afterwards, at which I expected to make up for my loss. But I was received with the hisses of six hundred Brahmans, who seized my person, and insisted on my giving up the accomplice 0/ Vol. III. 2 Y

my wife, that he might be prosecuted and punished, according to the severe rules of the cast.

"I solemnly attested her innocence, and told the real cause of the sharing of her hair; when an universal burst of surprise took place; every one exclaiming, how monstrous it was that a married woman should be so degraded, without having committed the crime of adultery!

Either this man, they said, must be a liar, or he is the greatest fool on the face of the earth! Such 1 dare say, gentlemen, you will think me; and 1 am sure yon will consider my folly," (looking here with great disdain on the first speaker) " as being far superior to that of the render of body clothing."

(To be concluded in our next.J


At the presept period, when the public is so much occupied by the recent intelligence from China, a brief account of the manner in which the principal European nations established a commerce there, and the embassies that have been dispatched by them to the Chinese capital, may not be deemed uninteresting.

The great Albuquerque first formed the design of opening a communication with China. He had met with Chinese vessels at Malacca, and conceived a high opinion of a nation whose seamen had more politeness and decorum than were at that period to be found among the European nobility. He invited them to continue their commerce with Malacca, and he procured from ihem a particular account of the strength, riches, and manners of their extensive empire, which information he transmitted to trie court of Lisbon.

In consequence of this intelligence, a squadron was fitted out in 1517, under the commmaud of Ferdinand Andrada, having on board Thomas Fevena as ambassador. Their reception at China is thus described in Milburne's Oriental Commerce, Vol. II. p. 462.—

"On their arrival at the entrance of the river of Canton, the fleet was stopped, and only two vessels permitted to pass up the river: on hoard of one was the Ambassador and Commodore. Andrada was a man of strict honor, so that he soon gained on the Chinese, notwithstanding their natural aversion to strangers. By his exactness and probity he drew them to trade, and brought them to have great confidence in him; but what had the greatest effect, and might have establish

ed the commerce of the Portuguese, to the exclusion of all other natious, was hie giving notice, a little before his departure, that at such a time he meant to sail, and that if any had demands upon bim, or any of those belonging to him, they might apply and receive satisfaction. This was an instance of probity new to the Chinese, but so agreeable that they made him great professions of friendship, and assured him that they would willingly trade with his nation, in hopes of meeting always with the like usage; but «♦ fair a prospect did not long continue, and even the first had very nearly proved the last voyage of the Portuguese to China, The commanders of the ships that were left at the mouth of the river, lauded and began a trade with the natives; but, presuming on their power in India, treated the Chinese with great insolence and iniquity. They brought on shore several pieces of cannon, and then took what they pleased at. their own rates, and treated with the pirates for such as ihey had taken prisoners, of whom they made slaves. The Viceroy of the province quickly assembled a great naval force, with which he surrounded the Portuguese squadron, and would infallibly have taken, them if a storm had not arisen, which scattered the Chinese fleet, and enabled the Portuguese to return to Malacca with more profit than honor. The ambassador proved the victim of this misconduct, he was confined in prison, where he afterwards died.

"It was many years before the Chinese would admit the Portuguese to trade with tl«:ni, but at length, they allowed

them to send some ships to the island of
Sanuam, where they were permitted to
erect tents on shore for a short space of
time, in whicli they disposed of their
merchandize. At length, towards the
close of the sixteentli century, a favora-
ble opportunity offered, not only of re-
storing their commerce, but of procuring
a permanent establishment in China.
The pirate,* committed great ravages on
the coast, and having acquired a large
force, made themselves masters of the
port of Macao, and from thence, not only
blocked np the port of Canton, but also
besieged the city. The Mandarines in
their distress, had recourse to the Purtn-
fruese, whose ships were then at the
Jsland of Sanuam. They readily offered
their assistance, and not only forced the
pirates lo raise the siege, but pursued
them to Macao, which they took, and
where the chief of the pirates was killed.
The Viceroy having made a report to the
Emperor of this extraordinary service,
he, out of gratitude, published an edict
by which the Portuguese were to have
the Island of Macao, with the power of
forming a settlement, which they gladly
accepted. They accordingly built a town,
and fortified it after tl(e Europeau man-
ner ; but the Chinese have effectually pro-
vided for their own security, by not allow-
ing them any provisions but what they
receive through their means."

This settleir ent they retain to this present time.

The Dutch, soon after the fortnatiou of their East India Company in 1602, be|an to contest with the Portuguese for the China trade. They endeavoured to enter into treaties of commerce with the Chinese, making the indulgence granted to the Portuguese the ground of their demand. The Portuguese successfully opposed their designs; and thi3 obstruction war the source of much long protracted negotiation between the Dutch and Chinese. In 1622 the Dutch collected a large force for the siege of Macao, proposing thereby to obtain the twofold advantage of removing an enemy, and of gaining an establishment for themselves; the Portuguese succeeded in repelling the attack, and after the siege were permitted by the Chinese to encompass and fortify Macao with regular works. The Dutch thought it a just cause of

complaint that they were not admitted to trade on so advantageous a footing as the Portuguese, and it suited their conveuience, as well as tended to promote their views, to coiisiderthe Chinese as enemies* and as the allies of the Portuguese. On their departure from Macao, they sailed for the Ponghon or the Pescadore Islands, and anchored at Pehou the principal of the group. The Chinese had no force on the island capable of resisting them, they therefor* took possession, and immediately began to establish themselves by building a fort.

The establishment of the Dutch at Pehou was a great annoyance to their European enemies, as well as to the Chinese. It equally incommoded and rendered dan^ gerous the commerce between Manilla and China, and that of the Portuguese between Macao and Japan, whilst to the trade of the Chinese it was an incessant and intolerable grievance. With the latter the Dutch wished at all times to have peace, provided they could impose their own terms; and shortly after taking possession of Pehou the Dutch admiral sent a deputation to Amoy to make proposals for accommodating all differences. The Emperor sent an ambassador to treat with the Dutch admiral ; but it was required as a preliminary step, that the Dutch should withdraw from thePonghou islands, which being part of the emperor's dominions, he could not, consistently with his dignity, treat of commerce with those who, in defiance of his authority, kept possession of them. At the same time he added, that if the Dutch would quit the Ponghou islands, they should be at liberty to fortify themselves in Formosa, of which no notice would be taken. With this offer, a declaration was made to the Dutch deputies, that for obtaining liberty of commerce with China, it was indisdensably uecessary they should abandon the islands; that if this was refused, an end would be put to all communication with them: for on no account, either then, or ever after, would the Dutch be permitted to hold commerce with China. The Dutch admiral not beipg authorized, to abandon the islands without instructions from Batavia, the conference broke off without producing any agreement.

The Chinese emperor, not trusting to negotiation for the removal of th<. Batch, sent, in 1624, a body of troops to Pehoti, where they built a fort within two leagues of that of the Dutch, which they daily augmented. Still they held out proposal* for peace; and the Dutch seeing them so much in earnest to regain possession of the disputed islands, thought it prudent to consent to the terms offered; towards the end of the year a peace was concluded, agreeably to the conditions of which they evacuated Pehou, and took possession of Taywan on the western part of Formosa. By this treaty the Dutch obtained the liberty of commerce de manded with China.


In 1596 the English first turned their thoughts towards China, and one or two ships were afterwards equipped to open a trade there; Queen Elizabeth wrote letters to the emperor, recommending the merchants, vouching for the probity of their dealings, and expressing her desire to be informed through them of those institutions by which the empire of China had become so celebrated for the encouragement of trade; and in return offered the fullest protection to the subjects of China, should they be disposed to open a trade to any of the ports of her dominions. This expedition proved unfortunate, the ships having been lost in their outward bound royage.

It does not appear that any further attempt was made at a trade with China, to which the Portuguese claimed an exclusive privilege of resorting, till 1634, when a truce, and permission for a free trade to Chiua, and all places where the Portuguese were settled in India, was agreed to between the viceroy of Goa and the president at Surat. This induced some merchants in Loudon, to whom King Charles the First had granted a licence, to fit out several ships, under the command of Captain Weddell, who thought it suflScient, in consequence of the agreement made at Goa, to take letters for the governor of Macao, in order to be effectually assisted in his projected intercourse with the Chinese at Canton.

The conduct of the Portuguese in frustrating the object of their voyage, and the adverse circumstances under which the English first vished China, are detailed at length in Milburne's Oriental Commerce, vol. ii. page 466. In 1655, in consequence of orders from

Holland, an embassy was sent from Batavia to China. The ambassadors were Peter de Goyer and Jacob de Keyser. The purport of the embassy was, to congratulate the emperor on his accession to the throne of China, and to obtain a free trade throughout his dominions. Nieuoff, who was one of the train, describes their reception as follows :—

On their arrival at Canton they were visited by several mandarines, and underwent a long examination; As to their names and employments? If the Emperor's letter was not written on better paper than the viceroy's? How their prince and king was called? They seemed to be displeased at the slight fashion of the credentials, and asked whether the prince and government of Holland had no seal or chop for their letters? To the request of the ambassadors, that they might have audience of the viceroy, and leave to go to Pekin, it was answered, that they could not have audience of anyone in Canton till an answer to the letter came from court.

After four or five months delay, came the Emperor's answer, permitting the ambassador with a few followers only, and four interpreters, to repair to court to treat about commerce; and by another letter he granted them a free trade, and expected the ambassadors to come and give him thanks for it.

The morning after they arrived at Pekin, several members of the imperial council came to welcome the ambassadors in the name of the Emperor, to enquire after their health, the number of their followers, and quality of their presents, as well as the person who sent them, and the place they came from. They likewise enqmred their uses, and having highly extolled them, fell to ask other questions concerning their voyage, country, and government, such as were put to them at Canton. They could not bepersuaded to believe that the Dutch bad any settlement, upon the continent, but dwelt on the sea. After considerable delay a day was fixed for an audience of the Emperor; they were obliged to sii all night on the bare stones and in the open air, in expectation of his majesty's appearance, early ia the morning, on his throne. At daybreak they were conducted into the ball where stood the Imperial throne, where* herald

commanded them to bow their heads three times to the ground, which they performed. The Emperor soon after made his appearance, and after sitting in state about a quarter of an hour he withdrew without speaking to the ambassadors. Some small presents were afterwards given to each of them, which they took kneeling, and they received notice to repair to the court of ceremonies to receive the Emperor's letter to the governor general. They were, at the appointed time, conducted into the antiroom, where one of the council took the letter and opening it, declared its contents, then making it up again, he delivered it to the ambassadors, who received it kneeling. It was afterwards taken and bound to the back of one of the interpreters, who went along with it before the ambassadors through the middle gate of the court. This ceremony was performed in great silence, neither was the least mention made of the Dutch negociation.

The Emperor's letter to John Maelzukes, governor general of Batavia, was as follows :—

"Our territories being as far asunder as the east from the west, it is with great difficulty that we can approach each other; and from the beginning till the present the Hollanders never came to visit us : but those who sent Peter de Goyer and Jacob de Keyser to me, are a brave and wise ■people, who in your name have appeared before me, and brought me several presents. Vour country is ten thousand miles distant from mine, but you shew your noble mind in remembering me; for this reason my heart doth very much incline to you, therefore I send to you—

[Here the presents are enumerated.]

"You have asked leave to come and trade in my country, by importing and exporting commodities, which will redound very much to the advantage of my subjects; but in regard your country is so far distant, and the winds on these coasts so boisterous, as to endanger your ships, the loss of which would very much trouble me; therefore if you think fit to send hither, I desirt it may be but once every eight years, and no more than one hundred men in a company, twenty of whom may come up to the place where I keep my court, and then you may bring your merchandize ashore into your lodge,

without bartering them at sea before Canton. This I have thought good to propose for your interest and safety, and I hope It will be well liked by you: and thus much I thought fit to make known unto you.

"In the 13th year, 6th month, and 29th day of the reign of Song-Te."

The ambassadors, on their return to their lodgings, were urged to depart; alleging, that by the usage of the empire, they could not coutinue two hours in the city after having recejved this dispatch, if they would avoid falling into any inconvenience;—so that they were necessitated to quit the place at noon, after taking leave of the grandees.

On their return to Canton, they were subjected to greater extortion from the Viceroy and other officers of government, were insulted by the populace, and one of their interpreters murdered in his own house.

Nieuhofl", from whose journal the above is extracted, states it as his opinion, that had the Dutch offered to assist the Emperor with their ships against Coxiuga the pirate, they would have obtained permission for a free trade.

A narrative of the success of this embassy was published by a Jesuit residing in China. He states, that the Emperor referred their letter to the court of Upon, or Ceremonies; and that their remonstrance to the Emperor on the subject was as follows:

"In the 13th year of the reign of the Emperor Khan Chi, on the 18th day of the sixth month, there was brought to this court the copy of a petition from the Hollanders, who came here to tender their homage and vassalage to your Majesty; wherefore, according to our duty, we have considered thereon, and although the truth be, that the fame of your Majesty's greatness and power be extended unto the utmost parts of the habitable earth, yet upon our strictest examination and search into the laws and ancient records of the empire for this purpose, we cannot find in any age past, that the Hollanders have ever sent to pay tribute; therefore, seeing we have no precedent or established rule to follow in this business, the result of our present judgment is, that your Majesty may do well to continue the following decree:

"'That considering the voyage from

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