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to a degree far exceeding what they deterred. The last paraagraphs in the dispatch of the 30th of March, appeared to put the Nepal war on a level with the memorable contest of Marquis Wellesley's against the whole Mahratta empire. He considered it most preposterous to put the two contests on a level. The proceedings against Nepal were trivial and unfortunate, when compared with the brilliant and successful campaigns of 1803-4 against the whole power o!' India. Supposing, to take Earl Moira's own statement, the entire body of forces opposed to us in the late contest to amount to from twelve to sixteen thousand men, (and it never during the war exceeded the latter number) to attempt to compare such a contest in all its circumstances, even admitting all the difficulties of the country, with one in which two hundred thousand men were in arms. Marquis Wellesley brought 54,918 men, in admirable co-operation, into the fieM-.iii August 1803, to meet the whole Maharatta force, to the extent I hare mentioned, well appointed, with upwards of seven hundred pieces of camion, stores, &c. and conquered an honourable and very advantageous peace with Berar and Sciudia, in a most brilliant and unparallelled campaign of four months; and in the course of which five hundred and twentyseven pieces of artillery were absolutely taken in the field from the powers against whom we fought;—whilst Fail Moira, by his own account, brought into the field 44,975 men, and eighty-eight guns, against 12 or 16,000 men, with scarcely .a gun or regularly armed man. To attempt a comparison between these campaigns, was going much farther than the occasion warranted. Besides, the noble marquis was, in the resolution now proposed, thanked for the promptitude and energy with which he called the resources the Company into effect. But could this exertion of the Company's resources against a body of twelve or fourteen thousand men, be compared with the efforts that it was found necessary to make, when the whole power of India was combined against us, and our resources were not in men or money near so great as they are at present? He observed, by the dispatches, that the noble marquis thanked a ■mall parly, (he believed a Serjeant and fourteen men) for their success in an enterprize. One of his first acts was to thank this individual in the most glowing terms, but it must be remembered, that it watt, perhaps, the only success of the first campaign, amidst a series of reverses. Iudeed, he (Mr. Hume) thought, that at all times the uoble marquis seemed to lavish his praise without sufficient discrimination. He knew Sir David Ochterlony, by character, and many other officers personally,

who were engaged in the Nepal war, and he was well convinced they were incapable of acting otherwise than bravely ; but, in reading over the papers, he had been unable to discover or discriminate which was the ablest and most efficient officer. Whether Sir David Ochterlony, or Colonels Kelly, O'Halleron, or Nicholls, or Captaiu Latter, were the most effective commander, could not be collected from the dispatches—for all were praised alike. There was, in fact, a superabundance of bombast and panegyric. He stated this that the public might not be led away by false impressions. He thought they ought to be aware of what had really been done, and not suffered to suppose that there was so much credit due for wielding the whole power of the British empire in India against a petty state He would most willingly give thanks where they were due—but he would not permit himself or the public to be blinded by the exaggerated statements which had already been disseminated. Arduous, undoubtedly, had been the duty of the governorgeneral ; but when—(and here he took the uoble marquis's own details on tbs subject)—he had forty-five thousand* men in arms arrayed against fourteen or sixteen thousand, he was disposed, after taking into consideration all the circumstances of the country, to lessen the greatness of theeuterprize which had been carried on in the Nepalese territory. Though these observations mightsecm, to some persons, to detract from the merits of the noble marquis, yet it was only when compared to the war of 1803, the motion had his cordial assent. Indeed he would willingly have gone farther. He should have been glad, had the court of directors so framed the resolutions, to have thanked the noble marquis for the policy of his proceedings. Setting aside his bombastic aud indiscriminate panegyrics, he conceived that the line of policy which he adopted, deserved more praise than his conduct of the war. He was aware that some individuals differed from him on this point'j but he was well assured that, if a temporising policy had been longer pursued by his predecessors, there were many chiefs on the extensive Indian frontiers. who would hare taken immediate advantage of it. It was his opinion that no outrage against the Company should ever he Buffered to pass unnoticed. The British government in India ought not to sit down quietly, and calculate what degree of insult should be received before hostile measures were resorted to ;—they should take especial care that no insult, however trifling, should be suffered to pass with impunity. When Marquis Wellesley was at the head of the Indian government, he caused it to be so highly respected, that, a single messenger might travel from one end of India to the other, as a servant of the Company, and acting under the orders of the great marquis, without the slightest molestation. That time was one of energy -and glory worthy of the British name. The honourable proprietor hoped that the vote of thanks would be carried unanimously. He fully concurred in the resolution of the court of directors, and would go with them to the full extent of that resolution. He was disposed to agree to it on this account:—that he (Lord Moira) had resented insults offered .to the English government, and had nobly punished them ; whilst the governors before had allowed them to tarnish the British character. Whatever opinions might he formed.whateversentimentsmight prevail, relative to their policy in originally possessing India, the true principle on which they ought now to act, he took to be this, and he was ready to declare it—that, having India under their control, they must endeavour to retain it. Therefore, he contended, that, possessing India— being masters of a territory great beyond all expectation, and which might become jstill greater by. proper and judicious management, they ought not to suffer a want of energy to threaten the safety of those dominions. He was of opinion, that if they (speaking with all due submission of the Company) permitted the natives of India, in any way, to lose the respect they ought to pay, to lose their confidence in, or to throw aside their good opinion of, the Company ;—nay, he would say, if the surrounding chiefs ceased to look with fear and dread on the British government—the moment that principle was departed from, circumctances would soon prove that their power was gone, and that they were hastening to ruin and decay. He,-therefore, contended that the noble marquis who supported this principle with energy and promptness, deserved much more credit and honour for taking up, with spirit, the Insults which the Nepalese government had perpetrated, than for any of the subsequent proceedings. Here he found it necessary to observe, that it was net possible for the proprietors, in the short space of seven or eight days, allowed them by the notice, to read over all the dis»atche« ; they contained six, or seven

• Extract from Earl Maira'i diipalcll of ills gd August, 1815 :—

Kegulart. Irrtr. Gen. Ochterlnny's Detachment. 7.112 and «5l

Gen. Gillespie's
Gen. Wood's
Gen. Morley's
Capt. Latter's


6669 900

IV J i

Total men 44,97» with 88 guns, and their establishments of Lustra, Golandays, &c.

hundred inclosures, being about one huudred inclosures for every working day, during which the papers ha.1 been open to inspection. It was, consequently, quite impossible to get through them in a satisfactory manner; and, therefore, in coming to this vote, he, for one, would give his suffrage in support of the resolution, in the full confidence that the court of directors had read and considered tiie papers. Under existing circumstances, he could nnt act from his own immediate conviction, because the the time had not allowed him to read the whole of the papers : he could not form an opinion; and, he believed, t'nat no gentleman before the bar had perused them. That court, however, always placed a certain degree of confidence in their executive; and the present was one of tho-e instances in which that confidence was particularly called for. Not having the opportunity of coming to a decision by a perusal of the papers, as the court of directors had done, he was ready to vote for the resolution, believing that they had considered the subject seriously before they submitted it to the proprietors. On a former occasion, not less than a year ago, an honourable and learned friend of his (Mr. R.Jackson)moved,thatcertain papers connected with the first campaign of the Nepal war, it having then terminated, should be printed, and laid before the court of proprietors, in order that they might be carefully perused preparatory to their being taken into consideration. On that occasion a learned gentleman (Mr. H. Twiss) stepped forward, with what prudence or propriety he could now best explain, and opposed the motion. That gentleman would not hear of the production of papers by instalments, us he expressed himself. He, forsooth, did not see the propriety of having the papers in time to peruse and understand them, but would have them altogether. They had at length been presented, in a mass, to the inspection of the proprietors, and he called on the learned gentleman to state, whether he had perused them? He was sure he had scarcely had time to peruse more than one half of them—it was even a doubt with him (Mr. H.) if that learned gentleman had ever gone to look at them, now that they were at his service. The then chairman, (Charles Grant, Esq.) whatever opposition he might have given to the production of other documents, stated, that he for one had no objection to the printing of the papers in question, provided the dispatches from the court of directors to Lord Moira were also printed. But the learned gentleman (Mr. Twiss), who was so well versed in the affairs of the court, came forward to prevent the production of papers by instalment!. He opposed. himself to the great experience of his learned friend Mr. Jackson who moved for the papers, whose absence on the present occasion lie greatly regretted, and his motion was by an unexpected rote of this court then negatived. He was extremely sorry that his learned friend was at present engaged on very important business, in the sessions where he presided ;—he was employed on a most useful regulation relating to comity affairs, and therefore could not attend the courtHad he been present, he would have pointed out, with his usual eloquence, the mischievous consequences which had been produced by the refusal to accede to his very reasonable and proper motion. He could not, however, avoid saying, with respect to his learned friend, that his proposition had been treated in an extremely illiberal way—in a manner that tended to check the proprietors in their endeavours to procure necessary information. The amendment of the learned gentleman (Mr. Twiss), after the original motion of Mr. Jackson had been acceded in and corrected by the Chairman, had in a strange manner defeated the motion of his learned friend. But if they had then been furnished with the documents called for; if the learned gentleman had not interfered, and occasioned a vote against them—the proprietors would now have been in perfect possession of this •subject. Had they received the documents by instalments, against which mode the learned gentleman had expressed himself so strongly, they would have, had an opportunity of reading them; and they would now have come forward prepared to give a vote founded on the conviction of their own minds, instead of being obliged to act in the confidence they placed in their executive body. They were brought into this dilemma by the interference of the learned gentleman; and he now might get out of it in the best manner he could. The vote in that case would have been the vote of the general court, and consequently honorable to the noble marquis; but, at present, the resolution proposed could only in fact be considered as that of the court of directors. He meant not to say, that the intention of the learned gentleman was otherwise than good ; but he hoped it would induce him (Mr. T.) to pause before he again opposed the motions of his learned •friend (Mr. Jackson), and he would now be able to judge of the propriety and expediency of bringing forward, all at once, a mass of information, through which human industry could not proceed reguRirly and deliberately, unless a very extended period were allowed for that purpose. Now, though he had expressly stated" his determination to vote for the resolution of thanks ; yet he thought that, Asiatic Journ.—No. 13.

in justice to the governor-general, the policy of the war ought to have been noticed. Injustice to the character of the Company, the public should have been impressed with the feeling, that, in carrying on the war, the Indian government had acted on the purest and best principle, that of securing the safety of our territories, and of keeping up the glory, the honour, and the greatness of the British name. The British public were too ready to believe statements of injury done by the East India Company, and it was but justice to ourselves and to the government in India, to prevent any such improper impression. As the court of directors had not, however, gone into the subject, it would not be decorous for him to dwell on it much longer, although it afforded an ample field for observation. He hoped, however, the time was not far distant, when they would take into their serious consideration, in justice to the noble marquis, the policy which had marked his proceedings. He was most anxious that the causes which led to the war should be clearly understood; and he was quite ready to go into the discussion of that subject, a fair examination of which would redound greatly to the honour of the noble marquis, and perhaps dispel a cloud which hung over his character. He knew what an effect was produced in England when individuals spoke, in Strong language, about the desire of encroachment on the part of governors in India. But when the civil proceedings which took place in England were confounded with the military proceedings in India; when the different relative situation of the two countries was lost sight, of—it was impossible that correct deductions could be made. Those who argued in this way, an erroneous duty, doubtless, believed that they were right. They saw the subject in a civil poiut of view, whilst it was surveyed, as he contested it only could be, in a military point of view by himself and others. The one party looked to the civil rights of the subject in England; the other fixed their attention on the military rights of the Company in India. The basis of the government in England is cicil, and the military is an innovation ;—the basis of the government in India is military, and the civil is innovation. Having stated thus mueli, which was not, perhaps, altogether pertinent to the motion before the court, but which, he thought, might he excused, as, in his opinion, it ought to be distinctly known within doors and without doors, that the Company were not acting on the principle adopted by a great European chief, who attacked his' neighbours without reason or necessity—lie"tAtould not occupy the time of the Court much:IoDger; but he must say, that had the noble tmfr.

Vol. III. I

quis pursued a course different from that which be bad adopted; had he, like some of his predecessors, Sir G. Barlow and Lord Minto, declined resisting ilie unjust conduct of the enemy, whereby they compromised the dignity and honour of the Company—he would have been ready to pass a vote of censure on him. Bur this circumstance ought not to be suffered to pass without uotice. They ought to know the situation in which Lord iMoira found affairs between Nepal, on his arrival in India in 1813. The public ought to know the necessity which justified the proceedings of the noble marquis. It ought to be kept in view that the Nepalese possessed a territory about twenty-five years ago, extending only about two hundred miles from east to west, and that by gradual encroachment they had extended to the banks of the river Indus, and in 1814 had an extent of country eight hundred miles under their rule. Their conduct had been so atrocious that in 1804, on 24th January, Lord Wellesley had declared the treaty then existing with Nepal to be at an end, and there is no doubt from his character that he would have had recourse to arms at that time, if he had not been so fully employed with the Maharatta war. From the time of Captain Kinloch's mission to Nepal in 1765 up to the time Lord Moira arrived in India, there had been differences between the governments owing to the encroachments of the Nepalese, and they had been borne by the governor-generals with a forbearance and consideration that the honour and dignity of the British name scarcely admitted ef^ There were regular reports made to the court of directors of these encroachments annually, as the dispatches shew; and the insults had reached that extent when Lord Moira arrived in India, that the only alternative for him to adopt, was active hostile measures to repel and punish the Nepalese, or to suffer the character of the government to be compromised by enduring the encroachments which might sooner or later end in ruin to the Company's establishments in India. These are circumstances which ought to be generally known as well by the public as by this court. It ought to be known, that the addresses from the Ben-. gal government, since the year 180.); that even the court of directors themselves had stated, in a letter of the 18th February, 1814, their conviction that recourse must be had to arms, in order to repel the attempts of that government, whose power had been at length put down. In making these observations, he should be glad if tiey impressed the country with this feeling, that the Nepal war, trifling as it was Sn comparison with former contests, wes carried on in defence of those principles, by which alone they could uphold

their territories in India. The moment any British governor in India allowed the character of England to be tarnished ; the moment any thing like weakness appeared—the surrounding chiefs would take advantage of the circumstance—each would, in his turn, insult the Companyattacks would multiply—and fearful dangers would threaten thtir Indian territories. He now had one or two observations to offer, on a point, in which, he conceived, the court had not doue its duty with liberality and fairness. He would advert to what it had done, and to what it had left undone. On the 20th of December last, the court thought proper to grant a pension to Sir David Ochterlony. On that occasion he protested, and he would still protest, against the course of proceeding that was adopted, because it was contrary to all precedent. No instance of a similar kind had, he believed, ever occurred before; for, since the period at which the vote was passed, he had, with his best industry, gone over as many propositions of thanks, both of that court and of the British government; and, on no occasion could he trace the existence of such a principle as that which was adopted on the 20th of December. The court, in that instance, eulogized and rewarded the conduct of an officer, not merely acting under the Governor General of India, but under the Commaitder-in-cnief of the Company's forces. To that officer a handsome pension of £1000 a year was voted—but qo notice whatever was taken of the Commander-inchief, under whose directions Sir D. Ochterlony had acted, and the war been carried on. He made this observation, because the court were now called upon to thank the noble Marquis for his merits in planning and directing the war. If it were the fact that his plans were ably conceived, that the measures which he recommended were founded in wisdom— the court ought in justice and agreeable to an undeviating precedent to have noticed them, when Sir David Ochterlony received the meed to which his services entitled him. He regretted that the noble marquis was not thanked at that time. Whatever the feeling of the court of directors might have then been on account of temporary reverses, they ought to have acted towards the noble marquis, on. that occasion in the way they were now about to do. The enemy having been defeated, and peace restored, they now proceeded to thank the noble marquis. This brought forward a principle before the public and the court, for their consideration, which, though forgotten in the instance he had alluded to, he hoped would never be neglected again: —the principle to whie)) he adverted was, that every officer and servant of the Company, who lad acted for their benefit, to the best of their genius and ability, deserved their support. The court ought to step forward and thank them, not merely when success had attended their efforts, but for the zeal and talent they might have displayed in their plans, although, from unforeseen circumstances, some degree of faiiuremight have beenexperienced.' He made this-reniark, because the thanks of the court had been withheld from the Governor General, ou account of the expedition against Nepal having been, in a certain measure, unsuecesful. What would persons now say, when, the contest being finished, the court tardily came forward with its vote of approbation? "They would naturally observe—" Though it is by the resolution admitted that the war was originally well planned— though the arrangements were wisely conceived—yet you withheld the praise which was justly due to him whose genius directed the whole proceeding, because the success, which his plans deserved, had not endued; but now that the plans have succeeded, you agree to a vote of thanks, your praises are called forth by the success of the measures that have been adopted, and not by the wisdom or excellency which marked the original arrangements." He protested in behalf of all public servants against such an unfair and unjust principle. He conceived it was highly becoming the dignity of the court to return thanks to their servants, for the zeal displayed, and the ability manifested by them, in any undertaking they attempted— instead of being guided in their proceedings, according to the termination of the efforts—as it might, in the end, prove successful or disastrous. In the principle adopted by the court, in December last, they deviated from all precedent and departed from all rule; and he hoped that, from henceforth, no individual standing in the high situation of Governor-General, would have his feelings wounded in the same manner. U was evident, that a proceeding of so extraordinary a nature was calculated to wound the feelings— because, though no name was mentioned, a fiovernor-General must perceive, when a departure from all rule was sanctioned in a particular instance, that it was directed against bini. He felt that the time of the court was extremely valuable—and he found,on considering the resolution, and seeing it confined merely to military affairs, he should scarcely be allowed to' submit much of what he intended to offer, to the proprietors, and would now content himself wilh making a few observations, with respect to the wisdom and moderation exercised by Sir D. Ochterlony and the noble marquis. These words were very lavishly used in the course Of bis dispatches—he knew that there were

some persons who thought, that he (Earl Moira) shewed neither the one quality nor the other in the wholj of these affairs; but before Buch an expression of opinion fell from any individual*, be hoped, if they had not read over the document* connected with the subject, that they would take the time necessary for perusing the dispatches relative to the conduct of the noble marquis's government, and 'the letters respecting the origin, progress and termination of the war. They would then see, that Sir David Ochterlony, in conjunction with the Governor-General, had shewn a very great degree of moderation; and that, in the situation in which the Goorkah power was placed, in consequence of the obstinate and unprincipled conduct of their government, more severe terms might consistent with justice and moderation, have been insisted on. He said, the unprincipled conduct of the government—because, if a man promised to ratify a solemn treaty, and ■ broke that promise, he must be looked upon as unprincipled. Now, inasmuch as the enemy had agreed to a particular treaty, but afterwards held off from ratifying it, in the hope of profiting by the season, and coming forward with the de-sign of reaping a benefit from this mean act of duplicity, it appeared to him, that he had been treated with very great moderation. This was most decidedly shewn by one of the dispatches of Sir D. Ochterlony—where, having stated his opinion to the Governor-General, he concluded in words that almost deserved to be inscribed in letters of gold. The dispatch was dated the 26th of February 1816; in which, after reasoning ou the possible advantages that might be gained over the enemy, by continuing the war and exacting terms more severe than the treaty concluded in 1815, he writes, —" Protracted war can only produce enormous expenses, for which the most successful results cannot afford an indemnity; but may, as we have seen it in the western provinces, burden us with territories without revenue, and with troops without resources to maiutain them." In answer to Sir D. Ochterlony, the Governor-General says, " Although I differ from you in many particulars, yet, whatever you may determine on shall have my concurrence. Yoa may depend upon my supporting every resolution and engagement you may enter into." This shewed, that while he had troops in the field, healthy and able to proceed on any enterprize—when he might 'have marched to the capital of the enemy's provinces, he exercised a praise-worthy spirit of moderation and forbearance. H« declined exacting new terms from aa humbled enemy, but expressed his willingness to agree to the provisions of th» treaty which had been proposed in th«

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