gone before it may remove difficulties which have been a constant source of friction on our borders. Next I come to the Estimates. The paragraph as tothese has been framed in a rather different form as compared with previous Speeches. Undoubtedly economy must be the ideal which we put forward in connection with our financial responsibility. There can be no shirking of the burdens which fall upon us in consequence of the necessity for defending this Empire, but I am sure, judging from the criticisms which have been delivered, that the national interests are closely connected with the question of defence, and we must be prepared to meet a very considerable expenditure in connection with our two great defensive forces. Only lately the Government had to purchase two battleships, the acquiring of which by other nations would have entailed very great expenditure on ourselves. in order that we might maintain that standard which is absolutely necessary to secure our supremacy on the seas. We have obtained those vessels, and I do not doubt the House will acknowledge as a patriotic duty that they must be paid for. In reference to the Navy there is one critic whom we shall very much miss-one whose frank presence, rugged eloquence, and transparent singlemindedness always made his contribu the requirements of war, and an examination of the methods and regulations of the War Office strengthens the impressions that the real object for which this Department existsthe preparation of the military forces of the Crown for war-has not been attained." If we have not attained that object, I am sure the House, backed up by the country, will insist on it now being attained. In the later paragraphs of His Majesty's Gracious Speech, there is promised legislation of a social character, dealing with matters which have been thoroughly inquired into by Committees and Commissions in the past few years, and I hope that those matters will receive the careful consideration of the House. During the last two or three with the sale of intoxicating liquors in years we have passed measures dealing England and Scotland, and one characteristic of those Bills was that they were debated with good temper and a serious desire to remedy actual defects in the law without any unnecessary opposition or obstruction. May I appeal to the House that in further amending the law we should approach the matter in the same spirit and with the same desire to remove defects and so bring about real temperance reform? We cannot expect such a matter to be uncontroversial, and when we attempt to deal with such questions as the permanency of licences, compensation, the restriction of the number of licences, and the discretion of the licensing authority, we are certainly in rather deep water. But is it not the our business to find some solution of a question which, even in the opinion of those who have been most devoted to temperance reform, is a very real difficulty and a stumbling block in their path? I tions to our naval debates most welcome. We shall always miss such critics, because we know that their criticisms are levelled against what they believe to be actual defects by which supremacy of the Navy is impaired. I do not think it would be wise to dwell to-day upon the other side of our defences. It was only yesterday the country had the advantage of learning the opinion of experts on the question of War Office reform, but it undoubtedly points to the fact that great expenditure must be incurred, though we may also hope that in future the return will be a little more worth the money. One paragraph in the Report of the War Office Reconstruction Committee seems very appropriate to the occasion. They say "The experience of the South African campaign has clearly shown that the system of administration prevailing was not adapted to need not use my own words, as fortunately I can refer to words written by an expert in this matter which are better than any I could use. In a recent pamphlet the hon. Member for the Spen Valley Division of Yorkshire uses these words— "The necessity for abolishing and the right to abolish licences in the public interest is fully admitted, but the difficulty and hardship which are involved in selecting the individuals upon whom the loss shall fall is felt to be so great that it blocks the way both to the efficient administration of the present law and to the passing of the reforms that some of us earnestly desire. He goes on to say "Some of our friends have been so long and, to a large extent, so exclusively engaged in conflict with the liquor traffic that they have come to act and talk as though they and the liquor people were the only parties to be consulted. They almost entirely overlook and ignore that great middle element in the community which is not identified with either the temperance or the liquor party, but which is the majority of the nation and is the element in our midst with whom the ultimate decision will really rest." It is to that middle element we have to appeal, for if it is difficult for the Legislature to take upon itself the duty of deciding between licensees, it is also a somewhat arduous duty to throw upon the licensing authorities. Since the question of compensation was last fully discussed in this House, there has been a growing feeling on every side that some form of compensation must be devised if ever you are to have a settlement of this difficult problem. Surely, then, we ought to approach it this year with a desire to find a solution. The Royal Commission, both in its Majority and its Minority Report, decided on compensation, either in value from public funds or from the trade, or by a time limit. Last year, by a majority of two to one, this House decided in favour of compensation, and during the recent recess a great temperance manifesto has been sent out, appealing to the common-sense of middle class opinion, in which it is said that some form of compensation is necessary. Public opinion being thus formed, I trust we shall approach the question with desire to remedy the immediate grievance caused by the action of certain licensing authorities in the country, and, at the same time, devise some means by which licences may be restricted without doing injustice to individuals, so that eventually we may approach a settlement of the question which hinders all true temperance reform. a As a county Member I must say a word as to the Bill for dealing with the valuation authorities. Long as we have been promised the reform of local taxation, certain as it is that that reform is as necessary as ever it was, there is one step which must be taken before we go into that matter; we do require a strong valuation authority, and we want one basis of valuation in connection with rating. Therefore I welcome the intention of the Government to deal with the matter; first, because it is a crying grievance in itself, and secondly, because I trust it will lead to that further reform of local taxation which is one of the most important subjects of legislation. We in agricultural parts have received a certain form of relief, but it has been only of a temporary character, and when the time comes for a thorough revision of the matter the agricultural interest will again have to ask from the hands of Parliament consideration of their special grievances-grievances which still bear heavily upon them, and which always come more and more into evidence as the burden of local taxation increases. There is one other matter, and that is the announcement that a Bill is to be brought forward to remove a somewhat curious anomaly which exists in the recollection of Members on the acceptance of office. This is a self-denying ordinance, inasmuch it will not apply to the present Parliament. Doubtless there will be found some persons on the other side who love bye-elections so much that they will object to forego the chance of having one; but surely if the matter is looked into it will be seen that this is a case for reform. Is it not somewhat ludicrous that in the reconstruction of a Ministry the battle should fall not on the leading Ministers, because they change from one office to another without the necessity of seeking re-election, but with the youngest members of the Ministry who, perhaps, have not held office before? In other cases just when Ministers ought to be devoting themselves to the details of their work they are thrown by this necessity into the midst of an election. Then there is the further fact that the requirements of re-election must at times influence the decision of the Prime Minister in selecting the best men he can find to direct the affairs of the country. The whole thing is anomalous and obsolete, and I am very glad that the Government have announced their intention of dealing with it at an early date. There is one thing which I do not notice in the Gracious Speech with which I am sions to those called upon to perform a duty which has been described by the Prime Minister-whose absence, I am sure, the whole House regrets—as one of the most difficult and delicate duties which a Member of this House can be called upon to perform. It is, I venture to say, all the more difficult because we are assumed to have special private and privileged information on the one hand, while on the other hand we are "cribbed, cabined, and confined" by those twin tyrants of custom and precedent, which always enter so largely into the debates of this House, and which particularly govern the debate on this Motion, which I have now the honour to second. personally interested, having been con- | moreover, to remember the sympathy nected with the Committee which sat on which is extended on these оссаthe Bill-I mean the Port of London Bill. Although not mentioned in the Speech from the Throne I may remind the House that the Bill still exists, and will come before us again this year. I do trust that another session may not be allowed to elapse before we deal with such an important matter as the port of the greatest city in the world, a measure which is necessary in order that we may regain our commercial supremacy. With regard to the last words of the Address in which His Majesty asks for guidance from on High, I cannot disguise from myself the fact that there are subjects which are not included in His Majesty's Gracious Speech, which have undoubtedly created much controversy in the country and amongst Members of this House. I cannot look around these Benches with out noting this fact. Although these words of His Gracious Majesty may appear to be purely formal, yet I feel that there can be no occasion more than the present when this House should more desire some guidance in its great debates, some higher sanction in order that we may still maintain before the face of the world an acknowledgment as the oldest legislative assembly in the world, that we can still carry on our debates in a manner worthy of a great Empire, giving to each other that credit for substantial commonsense which has been the characteristic of our people. I do trust, whatever may be the issue of this controversy, that this House may still deserve to rank amongst the greatest deliberative assemblies in the world. I beg to move. *MR. PLUMMER (Newcastle-on-Tyne): I rise to second the Motion which has just been so fittingly proposed by the hon. Member for the Ashford Division, and if in so doing, I, like him, do not commence with the customary appeal for the indulgence of the House, it is not because I do not fully recognise my need for such indulgence, but simply because whatever else my experience here may have failed to teach me, it has at any rate taught me that, to those who endeavour to secure the goodwill of their colleagues, the House will always prove to be that friend in need who is, after all, the friend indeed. One is glad, One of the rules ordained by custom upon this occasion is a rule which, I think, will meet with general approval, and it is that the mover and the seconder of the debate should, as far as possible, divide the subjects mentioned in His Majesty's Speech, and that the seconder should refrain again, as far as possible, from dealing with those matters which have been dealt with by the mover. I shall, therefore, leave comparatively untouched those subjects which the hon. Member for the Ashford Division has dealt with, and I will pass to other subjects, some of equal importance, and some, possibly, of greater importance. What are sometimes called the foreign relations of this country must ever be of great importance to Parliament and particularly to the House of Commons as being that body upon which constitutionally rests the responsibility of voting those supplies which are inevitably required in the event of any unfortunate interruption of those foreign relations. It must, therefore, be a matter of congratulation to the House and the country that His Majesty is able to assure us of our peaceful relations with foreign Powers. Like the mover of this Motion, I agree that this result is greatly due to those State visits which His Majesty has already paid, and proposes to continue, to the Capitals of Europe, as may we not say it in a special sense-the Great Ambassador of the Nation. The desire to maintain those peaceful relations is shown in the numerous references in this Speech to - arbitration and arbitration treaties. Now, sir, I turn to a question nearer With regard to these I would only home; we find a reference in His Majesty's make one remark the hon. Member Speech to the danger which is threatening for the Ashford Division having already one of the great industries of this country, dealt with it--and that is that it is an namely, the cotton industry, in the imold saying, the truth of which ought perilled supply of that raw material upon never to be overlooked, that "Peace hath which, of course, depends not only the her victories no less renowned than war,' prosperity of that industry, but also the and whilst to gain a victory in a war welfare of a large population in Lancawhich has broken out is no doubt a shire and elsewhere, which is in turn great thing, to be able honourably and dependent upon its continued prosperity. consistently and in accordance with our I believe the House will welcome obligations to the Empire to pre- the concern expressed in His Majesty's vent а war from breaking out is Speech on behalf of a great national undoubtedly a greater. Unfortunately industry, and will endorse the hope arbitration is not always possible, that by the efforts now being put and when, as in the case of Soma- forward that industry may be placed in liland, it has been found necessary a less dependent position upon other to resort to force, it is particularly de- countries, and that the position which sirable that the support of this House it now occupies may be considerably reshould go out to those who are fighting lieved. Sir, a self-contained and self-susamid great difficulties of climate and tained Empire may be but an idle dream transport a half civilised foe numerically or a visionary ideal, but at least it is a superior to us. I am sure the sym- worthy ideal, and though it may prove pathies of this House will go out in no difficult and slow of accomplishment that less a degree to the relatives of those is no reason why this country should rest who have fallen in the recent successful content with a greater dependency upon engagement, and particularly to a noble other countries than is absolutely necesLord attached to the Party opposite, be- sary either in this matter of the cotton cause they have bravely met their deaths industry or in other matters. in one of those little wars which are inevitable to this Empire rather than in a great and conspicuous campaign. Sir, such a campaign is unfortunately looming largely in the far East, and I am sure the House will regret the strained relations which at present exist between two great Powers, and will re-echo the hope expressed in the speech that even at the eleventh hour a peaceful solution may be found for the difficulties which now exist. If we turn from the far East to the Near East we find similar cause for concern and anxiety, and though for a time that anxiety has been allayed it is scarcely possible for even the most optimistic observer of recent events to regard it as permanently removed. It is difficult in view of the lessons of experience that have been taught us from that part of the world to express confidence, but the House will observe with satisfaction that in connection with one reform European officers, including officers of the British. Army, are to be employed to assist in carrying it out, and we must hope to ensure its performance. With regard to the defences of the country the House, I am sure, will welcome any economy that can be effected, provided that it is effected otherwise than at the expense of efficiency, whilst in connection with what has been described as the general problem of Army and War Office reform, I venture to express the hope and belief that the Volunteer Forces will receive that greater support which I am persuaded is the wish of the country generally. With regard to the promised legislation for the session, the hon. Member for the Ashford Division has largely dealt with it, but he has not referred to one measure, which I am sure the House and the country considers has been delayed too long-I mean the question of alien immigration. However diverse may be our viewsand we all know they are very diverse upon that question which, to the detriment of the English language, has come to be described by the classic phrase of 66 dumping "I am quite sure none cau be found to contend in favour of the continued "dumping" on our shores of pauper and criminal aliens at the expense of the country generally, and too often at the expense of a large number of our fellowcountrymen in our great cities, who find it difficult enough to secure employment in some of the trades effected, at reasonable rates of remuneration and under reasonable conditions of labour. We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the Ireland, in Parliament assembled, beg United Kingdom of Great Britain and leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the Gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament "—(Mr. Hardy). me The other measures referred to in the Address which my colleague has not dealt with are those relating to the Workmen's Compensation Act, the Hours of Employment in Shops, and the Public Health Acts, all of which indicate that what is sometimes called social legisla*SIR H. CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN tion is to have its due share of the (Stirling, Burghs): Sir, the first thing time of the House and that Home ques- that I will say to the House, with tions will not be overlooked amid many the certainty of having with pressing Imperial problems. Sir, I have its full concurrence and sympathy, is to used the phrase Imperial problems," give some expression to the sincere but I will content myself to-day by regret with which we note the absence adopting the words of the late Sir John of the Prime Minister, and above all our Mowbray, who by his many years valued regret on account of the cause of that service in this House was well entitled to absence. We all trust that the cause of express the opinion thathis absence will soon disappear, but I think it is peculiarly to be regretted on this particularly occasion because I for one shall find it to be my clear and urgent duty in the course of my remarks to examine into the position of the Government upon that great fiscal question which so largely occupies the attention of the country, and to address to the Government some very plain and direct questions in regard to it. We should have all preferred that we should have the answer to these questions from the Prime Minister's own lips rather than from any other lips, but after all it is not the Prime Minister's policy; it is the policy of the Cabinet, and the Cabinet Minister whom he has deputed. to represent him to-night will no doubt be perfectly competent to give us all. the information we desire. "The spirit which animates the House of Commons as a body is much the same as it ever has been, namely, a patriotic spirit conscious of the great traditions which it inherits and anxious to work for the good of the Empire." Sir, the Government have no doubt been the subject of much criticism, but that is the fate of all Governments, and, indeed, of all responsible and not a few irresponsible bodies. It is an old saying that a man must serve his time to every trade, save censure, critics all are ready made; whilst Lord Beaconsfield, who for many years was so conspicuous a figure in this House, used to declare that it was always much easier to be critical than to be correct. Now it only remains for me to thank the House, and I do so most sincerely, for the patience and attention with which they have listened to what I hope have not been unworthy remarks, and in conclusion, may I add, that in my humble judgment it is well that we should be reminded-lest we forget-well that we should be reminded as we are reminded in His Majesty's Gracious Speech from the Throne, that our deliberations here ought to be carried on with a conscious sense of our obligations to Him who after all is the source of all authority and power, and by whom alone Kings reign and Princes decree justice. I shall not be contradicted when I say that seldom has the opening of a session of Parliament excited such keen interest as that in which we are now taking part. The personal presence of the King, accompanied by His Gracious Consort, is a source of pleasure and satisfaction to all His Majesty's subjects. It enhances the dignity of the occasion, expressing it partly by the imposing ceremony which attends his presence, and it also marks in proper constitutional fashion the high importance |