solution in that administration, which very rapidly sprung up and quickly choked the promising growth of the tree of Whiggism; but one short speech has been recorded to have been delivered by him in his new official position, and that upon a point which failed to interest the public. But he spoke briefly on another occasion, memorable in the annals of reform, when a young man, destined to rule the destinies of a mighty empire, and afterwards to oppose with all his strength the doctrines which he at first supported with zeal and enthusiasm-William Pitt-moved for a committee to inquire into the state of the representation.

The death of the Marquis of Rockingham led to such disunion that, after a short existence of four months, this administration was dissolved, and made way for that coalition which was execrated by the politicians of the day, and at this hour is looked upon as having so far shaken all confidence in the integrity of public men as to have laid the foundation for the formation of a party of the people, the principle of whose political creed was the distrust of both Whig and Tory.

Lord North and his opponent, Charles Fox, antagonists in every public measure that had ever been agitated, listening to the tone of the charmers who sang of the sweets of office, of the mutability of the people, and of the smiles from the throne, threw aside every idea of the moral strength of public opinion, and fraternised. It is universally allowed that on this occasion Sheridan upheld the dignity of the statesman's character, that he boldly proclaimed his dissent from this sacrifice of character, and that he held an interview with Fox, during which he vainly attempted to change his decision; it was terminated

by the remarkable expression of the great Whig leader, "It is as fixed as the Hanover succession."

Once only did Sheridan make any allusion to this coalition. The debate in which it occurred, on the preliminary articles of peace, is more remarkable from its bringing him into collision with Mr. Pitt, and his triumphant reply to some sarcasms which the future prime minister indulged in. The following portions of their speeches are amongst the reports of the House of Commons. "No man," observed Mr. Pitt, "admired more than he did the abilities of that right honourable gentleman, the elegant sallies of his thought, the gay effusions of his fancy, his dramatic turns, and his epigrammatic points; and, if they were reserved for a proper stage, they would, no doubt, receive what the honourable gentleman's abilities always did receive, the plaudits of the audience; and it would be his fortune 'sui plausu gaudere theatri.' But this was not the proper scene for the exhibition of these elegancies." To this Sheridan's instantaneous reply was: "On that particular sort of personality which the right honourable gentleman had thought proper to introduce, I need make no comment-the propriety, the taste, the gentlemanly point of it, must have been obvious to the House. But let me assure the right honourable gentleman that I do now, and will at any time when he chooses, meet it with the most sincere good humour. Nay, I will say more, flattered and encouraged by the right honourable gentleman's panegyric on my talents, if I ever again engage in the compositions he alludes to, I may be tempted to an act of presumption, to attempt an improvement on one of Ben Jonson's best characters— the character of the Angry Boy in the 'Alchymist.''

During this unnatural coalition, Mr. Sheridan became secretary of the treasury; his coadjutor, Richard Burke, was the brother of Edmund. Of the businesslike manner in which he discharged the duties which devolved upon him, his warmest friends are necessarily silent; but his opponents speak of a laughable affiche which was found upon the doors of the treasury: "No applications can be received here on Sundays, nor any business done here during the remainder of the week." This was the first proof of his inaptitude to the discharge of public duty. Mr. Sheridan attempted, as did his colleagues, to justify their conduct in associating with that ministry, whose chief they had not only loudly denounced as dangerous, but actually declared their intention of impeaching for unconstitutional conduct. His speech was clever and ingenious, but failed to convince; he, in common with the rest of his party, lost caste by this inconsistent union. The only debate which he enlivened with his wit was the threatened taxation of tombstones, actually proposed by Mr. Coke of Norfolk as one which could meet with no objections. To which Sheridan replied, "that the only reason why the proposed tax could not be objected to was because those out of whose property it was to be paid would know nothing of the matter, as they must be dead before the demand could be made; but then, after all, who knows but that it may not be rendered unpopular in being represented as a tax upon persons who, having paid the debt of nature, must prove that they have done so by having the receipt engraved upon their tombs ?"

The great struggle between parties took place on the celebrated India Bill, which has been universally

acknowledged to have been a measure, introduced for the government of India, that would have given to the existing ministry such patronage and such power as to have rendered it independent both of the sovereign and the people. The advocates of Whiggism pronounce it a master-stroke of policy, for they hold that, as their doctrines are the only true principles upon which government should be carried on, they admire the minister who could have devised means which would have given their promulgators means of perpetuating themselves in office. These views were not satisfactory to the British people, who enthusiastically received the intelligence that the monarch had so influenced the House of Lords that the measures were rejected. The ministry that had been received. with indignation was dismissed amidst expressions of triumph. Although Sheridan took no conspicuous part in the debates, he shared the odium of his party; he momentarily ceased to be a favourite with the people, who could not admire the fidelity with which he adhered to his friends and who learnt with regret that he lent his aid in the concoction of the obnoxious measure. Once again he was to be seen in the ranks of the opposition, leading a determined attack upon the young minister, Mr. Pitt, who, by a fortuitous occurrence of events, was hailed as the leader of a party at once supported by the king and the people. Sheridan was amongst the bitterest of his opponents; he lost no opportunity of assailing him with taunts and invectives. "How shuffling," exclaimed he, "is this conduct of a young minister, unhackneyed in the ways of man! This is an instance of duplicity scarcely to be paralleled by the most hoary hypocrite that ever guided the principles of a great nation. If,

in the very onset, this young minister thus tramples on the constitution, what may you not expect from the audacity of his riper years?" Nor was such a style of language disliked by the House of Commons, to whom Sheridan had rendered his eloquence not only tolerable, but almost necessary.

The determined energy of the king's conduct inspired Mr. Pitt with resolution. In spite of the hostility of the House of Commons, he continued to pursue his policy until a dissolution of Parliament would allow him to take the sense of the country; for he felt assured that, whenever this occurred, he should be enabled to command a majority, for the clamour was loud, and the conduct of the coalition had shown too much of the old leaven of corruption, instead of the promised reform so long proclaimed. Sheridan, more fortunate than many of his co-mates, found himself in Parliament after a dissolution. Stafford, faithful to him, had returned him once again, and had shown a greater sympathy with their representative than many a borough that had vaunted its love of liberty and its disinterestedness. The next two sessions were not marked by any vigorous display of Sheridan's abilities. He made no bold attacks upon the minister, and in this conduct he was borne out by Fox, who almost absented himself from the field, and rarely made his appearance at all. Sheridan acted as a guerilla chief, occasionally hanging on the flanks of his enemy, making a bold excursion, showing his capability of injuring, but rarely committing himself to anything in the shape of a regular attack. The Westminster scrutiny, now a subject forgotten by all, was the one in which Sheridan most distinguished himself. Upon the general election, Lord Hood was declared duly elected;