to say of them worse than they have said of each other," Aye," will they reply, "" but "this is all in the regiment. We have a " right to say what we please of each other; "but you, the People, have nothing to do. "with the matter. It is not the thing that "we dislike, but the distribution of it; and "that remorseless man, Sir Francis Bur"dett, would destroy the thing itself."Some persons, who acknowledge the truth of Sir Francis Burdett's address, and who are as great enemies as he is of abuses and corruption, doubt of the "policy" of speaking his sentiments so plainly just at this time. This doubt arises from want of due reflection. He has no "" policy." He will never gain any point by policy. It would be contrary to his character to attempt it. To scorn all disguise, to speak the truth in defiance of clamour, these it is that have gained him all the political power that he possesses, and which he will convince the nation he wishes to possess daily for their good.It is curious enough to observe, that every address, or speech, of his, from the first to the present, has for its time excited equal clamour. When a few lines come out from his closet, they have, upon the plundering tribe, an effect, in part at least, similar to that which is produced by quick lime-dust falling upon the backs of slugs or caterpillars. They twist, they writhe, they foam at the mouth 1; and, though they have not, as yet, begun to disgorge their prey, or to desist from their devourings, as the less callous vermin of the garden do in consequence of such an application, let us hope, that, in time, the similarity will be rendered complete.The writer, whom I have quoted, anticipates an expulsion of Sir Francis from the House of Commons. The House of Commons will be found, whenever it meets, much too wise, even to hint at such a step. But, it is not amiss to observe, that this very writer, at the outset of the election, asserted, that there was not the least ground for fearing, that Sir Francis Burdett would be elected; when elected, the same writer asserted, that it was owing to the contempt in. which the people held him; and that, as to the ministers, they wished him to be in parliament, because there he could do them no mischief, his talents being of that miserable cast that he must soon sink into nothingness. Now, however, this writer has found out, that it would be wise and just to expel him from parliament, and to throw him back again into that situation, where he is "alone able to do mischief." The truth is, that such men know not what to say.

description, are thrown into alarm indescrib able. And, well they may, for, from the day of his election, they may date their decline and fall. The Morning Chronicle. said, that the dissolution of parliament, could give no pleasure to any but" the

agitators of Middlesex and Westminster." Not one, not a single soul of those persons, whom he had in his eye as agitators, has interfered, at all, in this election. Jt. has been carried on by the people themselves. By the people alone, It was not until the tenth day of the election. that Sir Francis Burdett heard that a poll was opened for him. Not one of his in-. timate friends meddied with the matter., And, with the exception of the letters written by me, who was, all the while, at seventy miles distance, and which letters, probably, had little or no effect, not one act was done by any man, who, by any fair construction, could possibly be deemed an agitator. The act was wholly an act of the people, originating in the suggestions of a few sensible men of fair reputation, who.. took the lead, and who were followed by: the rest of the electors. No unfair means were resorted to. There was even no regular canvass. The committee told the people, in their advertisements, that the business was their own, and that, therefore, they should not thank them for their votes, while the other candidates sent round letters of thanks. In these advertisements there were no appeals to the passions. There. were no revilings of any body, "You "know Sir Francis Burdett, choose him if

you will," was the substance of all that was said. The whole expenses of the election amounted to little more than seven hundred pounds! A considerable part of this sum came in half crowns and shillings. Let the hirelings cite an instance of the kind, if they can; and, if they cannot, let them hold their tongues. This election, let them be assured, is the beginning of a new era in the history of parliamentary representation; and my confident hope is, that it will lead to a restoration of that independance and purity in the House of Commons, without which it is impossible that we should be happy at home, or secure from abroad.I should now, if I had room and time, go into some detail as to the parts which the Sheridans have, upon this occasion, played on the Covent Garden stage. But, to say the truth, their disgusting flatteries, of those whom we may.... properly term the rabble; their nauseous praises of each other; their, worse than mountebank wheedling of the prostitutes and bullies of the play-house puslieus;

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their base cringing to the committee of Sir Francis Burdett; their baser eulogies of him, and that, too, upon grounds, whereon they had formerly vilified him; their canting whine about Mr. Fox at the hustings, on whom they afterwards pronounced the severest satire at their dinner of fifty persons, from which dinner they did not depart without quarreling and absolute fighting; their despicable folly in the selection of their associates, and in their toasting of MR JOHN FROST, as if for the express purpose of leaving no doubt as to the. means that had been employed in procuring their votes: all these being fresh in the minds of the public, it would be waste of time to descant upon them now, though it may hereafter be useful to keep alive the remembrance of them.Of their last act, however, of folly and of meanness, I must take particular notice, first putting upon record the evidence of it, in an advertisement signed by the celebrated Peter Moore.

Albany Tavern, Piccadilly, May 27. "At a very full Meeting of the Commit"tee for conducting the Election of the

Right Hon. R. B. Sheridan, the following "resolutions were unanimously agreed to, "PETER MOORE, Esq. M. P. in the Chair:

Resolved, that owing to unforeseen cir"cumstances, not at all to be attributed to "Mr Sheridan, and to the irresolution or

change of mind in others; which not "only prevented a timely canvass in his "behalf but occasione, in consequence of "incorrect representations made to him, his

withdrawing his name on the day of no "mination; the committee have deeply to

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by the return that has been made of the disposition of every parish, all manifes ting the most ardent spirit to have brought "forward the whole of the immense *strength still remaining unexhausted: " and unpledged, in support of Mr.. She-i "ridan.Resolved unanimously, That "this committee still look to the day, and "that they trust at no great distance, when "the friends of the constitution, and to true "liberty, may see their most earnest "wishes accomplished, by the appeal to "be made to parliament in behalf of Mr. "Sheridan; and for the attainment of this "important object, they pledge them "selves, that no legal efforts or exertions "shall on their parts be wanting "Resolved, that the Committee, conduct

ing the Election of the. Right Hon R. "B. Sheridan, continue to be of opinion, "that it will be highly to the honour of "the City of Westminster, that no part "of the expence in the glorious cause which "he has been called forth to support, should "fall on Mr Sheridan; and, therefore, that "the utmost exertions be forthwith made > "to promote the above most desirable object, so that a general subscription,

..

solved, That the sums to be received, be paid into the house of Messrs Alexander Da"vison!!! Noel, and Co. Bankers, Pall-Mall, "and to be applied solely under the autho"rity of the Treasurer and Committee to "the expences of the late contest, to the ex

pence of supporting the intended appeal to Parliament, and to such arrear as may yete “ ́remain, on account of the preceding election. "Resolved, That the committee is convinc "ed, that by an economical application of 1965 "the money which shall be so raised, a very "moderate fund will be sufficient to answer "the purposes before proposed.-Resolved. "that the thanks of the committee begiven

to Gerard Noel, Esq. M. P.," for the ro

nour he has done them in accepting the "office of treasurer, and that no money be "drawn for but by his order, nor applied

but on the certificate of three membersɔése é the committee, such certificate to bet lodged with the treasurer. Resolvędu That an account of the receipt of alb suns to be received, be kept by the treasuredlo subject to the inspection of the comina ei

Whether Mr. Peter Moore would, if called upon, hereafter disclaim, upon oath, all knowledge of this advertisement, as he did all knowledge of the several advertisements, which appeared under his signature at the former election, I know not. This 66 numerous meeting consisted of thirteen persons, including the two Sheridans, and Mr. John Frost. The only subscriber that is said to have appeared, as yet, is that celebrated matron, Mrs. Butler ! As to the petition, of which the advertisement talks, nothing can be a more gross deception. There is no foundation for a petition; there is even no pretended foundation; the Sheridans well know, that it is impossible for any candidate to observe the laws of election more strictly than Lord Cochrane has observed them. He has conducted him'self, in this respect, in a manner worthy of general imitation, and he despises, as all his friends do, the base and contemptible attempt here made to cast an aspersion upon his moral character. The subscription is to meet, amongst other things, "the arrear "remaining on account of the preceding "election!" The plain fact, is, that the subscription is intended to get money for Mr. Sheridan and the rest of the persons assembled. That is the object, and the sole object, and the means are truly worthy of those by whom they have been resorted to. But, this notable trick will, like all the others, assuredly fail. There will be no money, worth mentioning, raised. Not even enough to pay the expences of advertising. The whole is an impudent attempt at imposition, and that the public clearly -perceives. Let the contrivers be prepared, however, for a revival of the subject. Let them expect that I shall call upon them for their "petition "; and, that, if they fail to prefer it, no pitiful subterfuge shall serve their turn. To bring upon them greater contempt than that to which they now are entitled, and receive, is impossible; but, it may be useful to keep it alive; and kept alive it shall be, if I have life. When the parliament has inet we shall see what they do, and, until then, we may take our leave of them. We shall see, too, whether Mr. Sheridan is ready with his bills, which he had before prepared, for preventing the salaried magistrates from annoying the publicans who might give their votes against

ministerial candidates, and for preventing brewers from being the owners of public houses, thereby insuring to the indus"trious mechanic wholesome porter at a "reasonable rate." We shall see how he will fulfil this promise, which he evidently purloined from the Mayor of Garrat, when he comes to re-enter the House; we shall see how "the father of Tom Sheridan " will look, when he is called upon for the fulfilment of these new pledges; we have, however, I suspect, seen the last stage of the Proteus's Progress, starting from the "Walk in, Ladies and Gentlemen," at his father's recitations in Marlborough street; wriggling upwards, by degrees, through the fiddler's saloon and the green-room of the theatre, to the benches of the House of Commons; and, after various experiments in the art of sinking, going down for ever, side by side with John Frost, under the cry of "a Mug! a Mug!" from the hustings of Covent Garden.

The elections are nearly now over. The dissolution, which had one well-known purpose in view, on the part of those who advised it, will have answered many useful and even great purposes. It has humbled, and even broken down, the Whigs, that faction whose principle it is, that a few great families ought to rule both king and people. It has produced exposures innumerable. It has set many persons to thinking, who appear never to have thought before; and it must lead to important and durable consequences. We have now to wait for the meeting of the new parliament, when we shall have before us the numerical proof of the independence of that body; and, in the meanwhile, we shall have leisure to turn our thoughts towards, and to discuss, subjects of foreign as well as of domestic policy. It is high time that we begin minutely to inquire into the causes which have produced the tertible effects, which we feel, and the more terrible effects which we dread. It is perfectly reless for us to waste our time in trifling disputes about who gets this place, or that pension. The great causes of our distresses of various sorts are alone the fit object of our inquiry; for, until those are ascertained, until those are clearly perceived and understood by the people at large, no effectual remedy can be applied. People may rail till they are hoarse against the addresses of Sir Francis Burdett; but, is there any man who will say, that some change of system is ́ not become necessary? Is there any man who will say, that, with the present system of governing persevered in, he can see any possible way out of our present embarrassments ? Is there any man who will say, that, in what

ever company he falls, he does not find men, and all men, at a loss as to what is to become of the country? And, if this be the case, how can any man reasonably hope for national deliverance without a change of some sort or other in conducting the affairs of the nation? How base, how wicked, how diabolical is it, then, or, at least, how despicably foolish, to represent as an enemy to the king and to the country, every man, who proposes any thing wearing the appearance of a change of system? The king, above all others, is interested in such a change. He, above all others, must wish to see the country secure; and, is it not, therefore, truly abominable to hear the charge of disloyalty preferred against every man who expresses a wish to see changed the system, under the operation of which the kingdom has been brought into that state, which every one acknowledges to be a state of imminent peril ?

-These questions I put to my reade:s. Let them duly reflect upon them; and I feel confident that the result of the reflection will be, a thorough conviction, that a change, a great change of system, especially with respect to the expenditure of the public money, that is to say, the employment of the resources of the nation, must take place, or, that we are not yet arrived at a thousandth part of our calamities and disgrace. I beseech these readers to bear in mind, that, though the two contending factions may complain of one another, though they may accuse, and have accused, one another to the country, they have nobody else to accuse. Between them they have had all the powers of the state, all the resources of the nation, - in their hands. They have been the complete masters of them. They have had no insurrections, no denials, to obstruct them. Sir Francis Burdett has had no part in any thing that they have done, or in any thing that has happened to the country. Perils they tell us we are in; but, they are quite unable to show us, that any body but themselves have caused those perils. Again, therefore, I ask, how diabolical is it to eadeavour to turn the resentment of the people upon those who wish for a change of system?

LETTER TO LORD MILTON.

At this moment of joy and exultation in the fair prospect of success, I presume to offer myself to your lordship's notice.-My Lord, it has seldom been the lot of any young man to enter into life with such fair prospects as those you possess. Every thing that is desirable in life is yours; domestic happiness; rank; riches; and, above all, the power of being the Saviour of your

Country. In a very little time you must make your election, whether you will play the truly great part, or you will chuse to fall into the tanks of a despised and sinking party. If you follow the footsteps of your noble ancestor, the Marquis of Rockingham, you will soon find yourself in possession of a station more commanding than was ever held by either Fox or Pitt; you will find yourself at the head of a party which will soon consign all others to their merited contempt. The energy you have shown, in deciding upon this contest, makes me hope the best from your future conduet.—If f you determine to be the Man of the People, instantly come forward and pledge yourself before your constituents, explicitly and unequivocally, to the measures which are necessary to save your country. Pledge yourself to a moderate and temperate Parliamentary Reform, pledge yourself to a repeal of that detested act which (contrary to the Constitution of. 1688) re-permitted Placemen and Pensioners to sit and vote in the House of Commons; in short, pledge yourself to a renewal of our old and excellent Constitution. In your pledges forget not the great Delinquents of India, the Peculators at home, or the miseries of the unhappy Peasantry of Ireland. Act thus, in the face of your constituents, with your native candour and ingenuousness, you will then possess the public confidence, and lay a firm foundation for your future greatness.-You must not expect that this is a smooth path: you will instantly be assailed by all the venal, jobbing tribe. The time will shortly come, when,' like the occean's rock, you must resist the shock of contending elements; then you must prepare to stand, and that perhaps alone, amidst the whirlwind and direct the storm; then it may be for you with nervous arm to stem the torrent of a maddened People; then you may be the man to save the People, Peerage, and the Crown. Unhappy France! hadst thou possessed but one such man, what misery had been saved! -Place your dependance on the People: your father has experienced and can tell you how vain the smiles of courtiers are! If they can get you to disgrace yourself, they will think they have you safe, and they will be right. Take care lest they "Drag You "thro' the Dirt." They will call you Jacóbin. A great Nobleman a Jacobin!!! "Stedfast and true to Virtue's sacred laws, !! Unmoved by yulgar censure or applause. Let the world tak, my Friend, that world we know Which calls us guilty, cannot make us so."

Believe me, my Lord, the best Security for the Privileges of the Peerage is the Love of the People; when you are supporting

our rights, you are enlisting millions to defend your future Coronet: Beware the cringing fawning sycophantic crowd, beware the cunning Priest, beware their half measures which lead to ruin. Think and act for yourself. Come forward to your constituents with honest pledges which cannot be > forgotten, and I prophesy you shall be hailed I the Saviour of your Country. For God sake od take care, my Lord; you must act; the critical moment is come, when you must decide for your future life; whether you will sink amongst the Crowd and be forgotten, or you will determine to be great amongst the greatest of your fellow-men. I remain my Lord, (at present) with enthusiastic admiration of your youthful talents and virtues, A YORKSHIRE FREEHOLDER.May 23, 1807.

POOR LAWS.-MR. MALTHUS.

Being C. S.'s Second Letter. SIR,As I have thought a good deal, not only on the laws which multiply the poor, but also on those which have a tendency to diminish their number; and as the value of these thoughts is greatly enhanced by the readiness with which you have often given them insertion in the Political Register, I feel encouraged to offer a few remarks upon the controversy which has appeared in your work, between your correspondents W. F. S. and A O. on the subject of Mr. Malthus's check population doctrine. I have to observe, of all three, that could they persuade themselves to attend less to the theoretical and more to the practical causes of social wretchedness, they would have deserved better of their country; or, Kat least, stood higher in the esteem of those who are of opinion, that it would be wrong in Mr. Malthus, or any other, to suffer evils to continue which can be removed, because the time may come when others of equal or more malignancy will occupy their place. Those who are averse to improvement, if such there be, secure the continuance of abase in proportion as they succeed in dividing its friends on the means of reform. And whether they be averse to it or no, the effect is the same if by abstract reasoning or any - other means, they should divide opinion as to the practical means of removing existing grievances Lam, therefore, in heart and in soul, in head and in understanding, as much disposed to censure the judgment which will not do good lest evil should come of it, as I am inclined to abhor that cast of mind which will do evil that good may follow. There are cases in which the maxim, and the sacred maxim too,, of "sufficient for the day is the evil thereof," strictly ap

plies; and, surely, if it can do so more in any one case than another, it must be in that when the surface and fertility of the earth cease, as our philosopher predicts they will, to be sufficient to maintain the number of its inhabitants with the necessaries of life. The consequent faniine and vice of this, to me, imaginary æra, are the evils against which the philosophy and philanthropy of our divine author would have us guard; if his book has any other object than the mere display of his own theoretical researches. And as he has not, to my knowledge, specified either the number or description of the immediate evils to which it is not necessary for us to submit, to avert the remote calamities which he predicts, the conclusion, I think, is, that he justifies, not only the full practice of all the evils of which our senses and reason compel us to complain as unnecessary, if our oppressors would but do as they would be done by, but also, the greater evil on every principle of moral and political justice that we have been taught of suffocating, as it were, in the womb of their parents, a given number of every succeeding genera tion. Surely, Sir, were it even mathematically certain, that the time would come when the application of a remedy so outrageous to all our settled notions of moral justice and sound policy, presented itself as the leas: of two evils, it is time enough to suggest it when a symptom of the evil to which it applies makes its appearance; or, in other terms, when the whole surface of the earth is so far cultivated, and well cultivated too, as to leave no room for farther improvement. But, if Mr. Malthus's dorine be new in the annals of political economy, W. F. S.'s, mode of supporting it is not less modern in the art of reasoning. "The important position" says he, "laid down, and on which Mr. "Malthus's system is chiefly founded, is "that, by the immutable law of nature "there is a constant disposition in the hu

then it must follow, ex necessitate, that un"less this tendency to increase be by some means or other prevented or checked, that at some period or other the means of sub"sistence must be deficient; and that that deficiency will be in proportion to the in"crease of population: and as scarcity increases and poverty makes its appearance, "its attendants, misery and vices must be "proportionally multiplied." Those are positions which it is not necessary to controvert before we deny credit to the conclusions they contain. For instance, it may be in

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