The law does not require and if it does not re-
quire in my opinion does not allow, the federal
government to use its monetary and coercive power
for the purpose of changing the economic pattern
of a neighborhood. I think what the law does re-
quire is that there be open neighborhoods.211

On another occasion, the President indicated:

. I can assure you that it is not the poli-
cy of this government to use the power of the
federal government or federal funds . . . in
ways not required by the law, for forced inte-
gration of the suburbs. I believe that forced
integration of the suburbs is not in the national

interest.

Stopping ghettoization would require some combination of reduced black in-migration to central cities, largescale suburbanization of Negroes already there, a slowing down of mass white exodus to suburbia, and deliberate "managed integration" of central city neighborhoods. 213

James Rouse, developer of Columbia, che new town out

side Washington, says:

You can look at the word 'segregation' through
two ends of a telescope. It is segregation if

it is compelled and it is clustering if it is
voluntary. I believe
if you could produce
a truly open community in which there really
were no doors closed, then I think that there
would be a kind of voluntary clustering by eco-
nomic level, by intellectual interests and ac-
tivity and I believe that this clustering would
occur in relatively small neighborhoods .
Within the neighborhoods there might be quite a

212. Ibid., pp. 55-56. President Nixon at the
President's press conference December 10, 1971.

213. Caraley, "Is the Large City Becoming
Ungovernable?," p. 214.

narrow economic band, but within a village there
can be quite a wide band of economic levels and
certainly within a village there would be racial
integration.

While racial "balance" has not been spelled out in percentage terms for New Towns, the proportion of Negroes in existing New Towns is very low and it is likely that "balance" will often come to mean 10 per cent, in approximation 215 of national racial composition

Sociologist Herbert Gans concurs with Rouse.

With re

gard to socially balanced communities, Gans concludes: "Communities must be planned to provide . . . block homogeneity and community heterogeneity. . . which allows for compatible neighbors, yet makes room for all kinds of people

in the community as a whole."216 Gans finds the major barrier to effective integration is fear of status deprivation, especially among white working-class homeowners. The whites base their fears on the stereotype that nonwhite people are lower class and make a hasty exodus that reduces not property

214. James A. Clapp, New Towns and Urban Policy:
Planning Metropolitan Growth (New York: Dumellen
Publishing Co., Inc., 1971), p. 245.

215. Ibid., p. 253. From Sylvia F. Fava, "New Towns
in the United States: Some Sociological Aspects of
Policies and Prospects," forthcoming in Essays in Urban
Sociclogy in Memory of Patrick Geddes, ed. Department
of Sociology, University of Bombay, India, 1970, p.
2430.

(Mimeographed).

216. Herbert Gans, The Levittowners: Ways of Life and Politics in a New Suburban Community (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. and Random House, Inc., 1967), p. 432.

values but the selling prices that can be obtained by departing whites.217 Gans suggests that the optimum solution,

at least in communities of homeowners who are raising small children, is selective homogeneity at the block level and heterogeneity at the community level. He adds that selective homogeneity on the block will improve the tenor of neighbor relations, and will thus make it easier--although not easy--to realize heterogeneity at the community level. 218 The extent to which Americans are living in integrated communities is not generally well-known. A recent, comprehensive study of racial integration in American neighborhoods estimates that 36 million Americans, or 19 per cent of the population, lived in racially integrated neighborhoods

in 1967.219

(1)

Other findings of the study include:

The regional distribution of households in racially integrated neighborhoods includes 32 per cent in the Northeast, 26 per cent in the West, 13 per cent in the North Central Region, and 11 per cent in the South, the latter mostly in the border states and the Southwest.

(2) One-third of all households in integrated neighborhoods were located in the suburbs of metropolitan Almost half of this one-third are located in "open"

areas.

217. Ibid., p. 174.

218. Ibid., p. 172.

219. Bradburn, Sudman, and Gockel, Racial Integration in American Neighborhoods, p. 14.

communities, i.e., those in which Negroes constitute less

than 1 per cent of the population.

(3)

Substantially integrated neighborhoods tended

to be "poorer" than the open and moderately integrated ones. Jews and Catholics are more likely than

(4)

Protestants to live in integrated neighborhoods.

(5) The nationalities that were the earliest

immigrants, such as the Scotch and English, are least likely

(6) Almost all Negro households in open neighbor

hoods contained a husband and wife, compared with only slightly more than half of the Negro households in the substantially integrated neighborhoods.

(7) Negro household heads in open neighborhoods tended to be older than those in moderately and substantially integrated neighborhoods, while white households in open neighborhoods tended to be somewhat younger and larger than those in moderately and substantially integrated neighborhoods.

(8) While the data clearly support the view that white Americans prefer homogeneous neighborhoods . . . there is some indication that at least residents of integrated neighborhoods do not reject neighborhood diversity.

(9) Integrated neighborhoods have a higher pro›ortion of renters than do white segregated neighborhoods.

However, the majority of white residents in all kinds of integrated neighborhoods are homeowners.

(10) White segregated neighborhoods are more

likely than integrated neighborhoods to have been built by a single builder.

(11) Integration in the churches does not follow the pattern of integration in the schools. There is a tendency for Negro residents to attend an all-Negro church. (12) Participation in neighborhood organizations is low, about 15 per cent for whites and 19 per cent for Negroes.

(13) There is an extremely small amount of social interaction between the races in integrated. neighborhoods.

(14) The authors estimate the proportion of households living in integrated neighborhoods will rise slowly to about 35 per cent over the next decade. While a major increase is predicted for the substantially integrated neighborhoods in the North and West, with the Negro proportion rising to 40 per cent, the authors predict that a majority of the neighborhoods in the country will continue to be 220 white segregated for the foreseeable future.

Current neighborhood stabilization efforts directed

towards encouraging whites from leaving neighborhoods into which Negroes have entered are doomed to failure. 'Massive

220. Ibid., pp. 14-27.