the happiness of man when the NONOPOLISTS OF THE SOIL and CAPITAL are combined with the strength of government on the one hand, and the landless and houseless producers isolated on the other, and thereby made to contend for the scanty crust that the LORDS OF THE LAND AND THE CAPITAL have determined they shall only enjoy. Such are the settled convictions of the author of "The Working Man's Political Economy;" and if his views are not correct, it is the duty of others to show WHY. Respectfully, JOHN PICKERING. RECOMMENDATIONS. Extracts from "Young America," November 27, 1847. "THE WORKING MAN'S POLITICAL ECONOMY," by JOHN PICKERING. Cincinnati. 1847. "This work seems to be the first product of the National Reform movement in book form, and presents as well as extends its principles with the most pungent arguments. It is most admirably calcu lated to instruct the working man in the true nature of the wrongs by which he is oppressed, and in the rights to which he has never yet attained. It should circulate in the garb of every language throughout the world. Would to God it could be shot by the universal electric medium into the minds of every tenant and landlord, slave and master, hireling and employer, consumer and profitmonger, voter and legislator, upon earth. All parties would then see, that while luxurious monopoly, on the one hand, decimates millions of producers by destitution, it destroys, on the other, the race of nonproducers by superabundance. They would see that superfluity destroys the monopolizers themselves, as well as the destitute, by the tribute which they extort, and that it is the interest of all mankind to mutually protect each other in their rights. Never has a writer made so effective a use of the evidence of parties against themselves." LEWIS MASQUERIER. "The new work of Mr. Pickering on Political Economy is worth more than all the books on the same subject before written, and shall receive further notice hereafter." ED. YOUNG AMERICA. ERRATA.-Page 43, 9th line from top, for 30,000 read 300,000 ; page 118, 25th line from top, for "dirth" read death. Page 33, top line, read American Authors. PREFACE. To "National Reformers," and the producing, or working classes, in general, this work is respectfully dedicated. All systems of Political Economy, heretofore written and published to the world, have had, for the main object, First. The support and prosperity of a Monarchy, with its necessary appendages of titles of nobility, with various ranks of birth, grades of power and dignity, special privileges, &c. Second. The support and prosperity of moneyed Aristocracy; or, in other words, to sustain, justify and vindicate the interests and claims of capital; or a mixture of both. But, in both of these systems, the just claims of industry, or labor, has been entirely overlooked or forgotten. Furthermore, man's natural and inalienable rights have not been kept in view, or in any degree respected by the advocates of either. The object of this work is, therefore, to expose and make manifest the false principles upon which they are founded; the evil tendency of their operation upon society in general; and what are the just claims of the producing or working classes. Also, to promote National Reform. We have but one favor to ask of the reader, and that is, to read the work carefully through, previous to passing judg ment upon it. And, if he discovers any errors in the principles laid down, false deductions, or discrepancies, it is his duty, as a good citizen, to expose them. But let him do so with a proper spirit, and in such a manner as becomes the dignity of a man: let his sole object be the development of truth, which is the sole object of the Author, not forgetting the good adage, that "the right is always expedient." POLITICAL ECONOMY. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. THE INJUSTICE OF THE PRESENT ORGANIZATION OF SOCIETY. Whoever will but open his eyes, and take an unprejudiced view of society as it is now organised, cannot fail to observe that men do not accumulate property in proportion to their industry; but the reverse is the fact. In all so called civilized countries, we see that "men are respected in proportion as they are enabled by the possession of wealth to command the labor or service of others, and so essentially necessary are indolence and uselessness to respectability, that men are despised in proportion as they apply their own hands to purposes of utility."—(J. Gray.) Every where we see toiling millions the slaves of the capitalist; consequently we find unconsumable wealth in the possession of a few, while poverty, discomfort and wretchedness is the lot of the great mass of the people. These truths stare us in the face; they cannot be denied. The rich few overburthened with wealth; the poor suffering with want. The history of the world shows us this fact, that in all civilized countries, as the rich become richer, the poor become poorer; the greater the amount of wealth in a country, the less is the poor man's share, and the harder has he to work for a bare subsistence, and as the capitalist rises in riches, power and splendor, so in proportion the working man sinks into poverty, want and wretchedness. And when a country becomes completely glutted or overstocked with wealth, as is the case in England at this time, then has the working man reached the climax of his misery, degradation and wretchedness. He would be glad to labor, but is denied the privilege. The capitalist will not employ him, being unable to realize profit on his labor; therefore is he turned into the street to starve, to beg, or to steal; he must do one or the other, there is no alternative; or die. (These are the privileges of the Free Laborer.) The negro slave-holder cannot do this; his interest will at least prompt him to keep his slaves in a healthy working condition, so that he may take the best advantage of their ability to labor when again the market opens, or in other words, when the surplus wealth is disposed of. Besides all this, in all countries where negro slavery exists, the master is bound by law to provide for and maintain in sickness or old age those upon whose labor he has grown rich; but no such responsibility is imposed upon the capitalist, neither is there any such provision for the well being of the white laborer when he becomes old and infirm-unable to endure his former amount of toil; although his labor and toil has overburthened with wealth his master, the capitalist, himself becomes a vile cumberer of the ground, an incubus on society, and like the Son of man, "hath no place whereon to lay his head," hath none to sympathise with him, or care for him, but those who are in the same situation as himself, therefore unable to assist him; in fact he is a thing fit and worthy only to suffer and die, and the sooner he is out of the way, the better. True he may take refuge in a poor house, to do which is held to be degrading by all classes, and is revolting to all men of dignified feelings, and to propose it, is an insult to any honest, industrious man, who is possessed in the smallest degree of conscious integrity and self respect; the very idea is too loathsome to be endured by those who are conscious in justice deserve a better fate. (For a proper understanding of the nature and operation of the poor house system, when carried out to perfection, the reader is referred to an admirable work called "The Condition and Fate of England, by C. E. Lester,' which is a book every American ought to read.) If, therefore, what has just been stated be true, (and who can doubt it? surely no one,) then is the condition of the negro slave (who has a good master) preferable to that of the poor white man; the former having a master interested at least in his being in a healthy condition; and whether he work or play, be young or old, sick or well, the master is bound to feed, clothe and shelter him to the latest period |