VANT to a Protestant gentleman, an inveterate enemy to the Roman Catholics, as an accomplice?

II. That a journey of a hundred and ten miles could be performed in three days and a half, the sun rising about seven, and setting about five, at a season of the year when the rains, then usually prevalent, must have rendered the roads almost impassable; and by a man who knew nothing of the business which led to the summons he had received, and who, of course, had no temptation to make any extraordinary exertion?

III. That a stranger, arriving in the suburbs of a city an hour after sunset, and fatigued with a long journey, should, without any aid from the moon, immediately commence a search for and actually find out the lodgings of another stranger, who had arrived a few hours before?

IV. That Sir William Parsons, who had, at nine in the evening, received intelligence of a plot, to explode at ten the next morning, and the names of some of the principal conspirators should be so misguided, as to send back the drunken informer "to get out of Mac-Mahon as much certainty of the plot as he could," instead of immediately apprehending the conspirators?

V. That being "in town," he would have gone "without the town," and sent there for such of the council as lived "in town," when such an awful explosion was likely to take place?

VI. That when the informer returned to the lords justices, he would be allowed to go to bed, before taking his examinations?

VII. That the lords justices would have remained all night, and until five o'clock in the morning, at Lord Borlace's house, without the town, and closed the gates, thus shutting themselves out from the defence of the castle?

VIII. That when O'Conally had slept himself sober, and made circumstantial deposition of such alarming particulars, the council would have been such idiots as to take no other precaution than merely "to have a watch set privately upon the lodgings of Mac-Mahon, and also upon Lord Macguire," as if they had been plotting to rob orchards or hen-roosts, to bar out a schoolmaster, break lamps in a midnight frolic, or attack the watchmen, instead of plotting to seize the castle, subvert the government, and cut the throats of one or two hundred thousand people?

IX. That the privy council would not, under such circumstances, have instantly apprehended the conspirators, instead of

"sitting all night in council," upon one of the simplest points ever discussed, and which could have been decided in five minutes, as well as in five hours, five weeks, or five years; on which the most prompt and decisive measures were imperiously necessary; and at a moment when, if there were any truth in the statement of O'Conally, the salvation or destruction of the state might depend on a single hour?

X. That having taken the precaution, on Friday night, of "setting a watch privately upon the lodgings of Lord Macguire," thereby establishing their belief that he was an accomplice in the plot, they would not have arrested him at the same time they arrested Mac-Mahon, but waited "till conference with the latter and others, and calling to mind Sir William Cole's letter," which led them to "gather that the Lord Macguire was to be an actor in surprising the castle of Dublin?"

XI. That a conspiracy, which was to explode throughout the whole kingdom on the 23d of October, should be arrested in Leinster, Connaught, and Munster, by the detection of it, in Dublin, a few hours before the appointed time?

XII. That if it had been intended to murder, on the 23d, "all the Protestants throughout the kingdom," who "would not join the conspirators," there would have been no intelligence of a single murder on the 25th, or that, on the 29th, the lords justices should explicitly declare, that the insurrection was "confined to the mere old Irish in the province of Ulster, and others who had joined them?"

XIII. That though the lords justices had recourse to the execrable expedient of putting Mac-Mahon and others to the rack, they should not have extorted a word from any of them, to support the charge of murderous intentions, if any conspiracy had existed, for "cutting off all the Protestants and English throughout the kingdom?"

XIV. That no examinations should have ever been taken of any other of the conspirators?

XV. That if there were a general conspiracy, and of course a large assemblage of people in Dublin, for the purpose of seizing the castle on the 23d, the lords justices would not have been able, on the morning of that day, to apprehend more than two of the leaders and a few common servants?

XVI. That to execute an enterprise of which the success absolutely depended on promptitude and secrecy, people would be collected from all the thirty-two counties of Ireland, at various

distances, ten, twenty, thirty, fifty, one hundred, and one hundred and fifty miles from the scene of operations?

XVII. And finally, whether, the deposition of O'Conally being incontrovertibly established as false, and he of course perjured in the two vital points,

I. The universality of the plot, and

II. The determination to massacre all who would not join in it,

There can be any credit whatever attached to the remainder of his testimony? And whether it does not necessarily follow, that the whole was a manifest fraud and imposture, designed to provoke insurrection, and lead to its usual and inevitable result, confiscation?

Reflections on the Subject of Emigration from Europe, with a View to Settlement in the United States: containing Brief Sketches of the Moral and Political Character of this Country.

"Where liberty dwells-there is my country."

"The only encouragements this country holds out to strangers, are-a "good climate, fertile soil, wholesome air and water, plenty of provisions, "good pay for labour, kind neighbours, good laws, a free government, and a "hearty welcome. The rest depends on a man's industry and virtues."

PREFACE.

The following pages are respectfully submitted to the consideration of such of the inhabitants of Europe as find themselves crowded by exuberant population, and contemplate trying their fortunes in foreign countries. They contain a naked, unvarnished tale of the situation of a country blest with every variety of soil, climate, and agricultural and mineral productions-intersected by most magnificent rivers-and with a sea-coast 5000 miles in extent, including indentations and estuaries-a country, which, two hundred years ago, was a mere desert-which fifty years ago contained only about 2,500,000 of souls, and was in a state of colonial dependence on the most powerful nation in Europe-but which now contains twenty-four distinct sovereignties and 12,000,000 souls-is the second maritime and commercial power in the world—and enjoys the freest form of government that ever existed-a country, in fine, which only re

quires a sound policy to elevate it gradually to the highest rank among the nations of the earth.

I have been induced to undertake this publication in the hope of rendering essential service on both sides of the Atlantic. -Should it be realized, the result will be abundant reward. But sanguine temperaments are liable to frequent disappointments. I may, therefore, be wholly deceived in my expectations, as this essay may fall still-born from the press. The intention, in that case, will, it is presumed, plead an apology for the unnecessary intrusion on the public eye.

My object is two-fold-it is not merely to point out the description of persons to whom emigration to this country would be advantageous, but also to hold out a beacon to those to whom it would be unadvisable to remove hither. Many a man in comfortable circumstances in Europe, allured by golden dreams, has shipwrecked his fortunes by change of hemisphere.

While the United States have the capacity* of maintaining hundreds of millions of inhabitants beyond their present numbers, that is to say, I repeat, under a sound policy, Great Britain and Ireland, and many other parts of Europe, are groaning under a superabundant population, whose condition, in various. countries, is gradually deteriorating, by the increasing competition for employment. It is not a very overstrained figure to say, that they are literally devouring each other. Is it not, therefore, highly desirable that such an understanding should prevail on the subject, as will enable one country to part with what it can so advantageously spare, and another to receive that of which it is in want, and which it can of course so advantageously receive? Not only would the condition of those emigrating, but of those who remained behind, be improved. Every hundred or thousand persons who emigrate from an overstocked country, increase the value of the labour, and improve the prospect of happiness, of those who remain. To produce this happy result is one of the objects of this publication.

Great Britain incurs great expense in promoting emigration

It is a remarkable circumstance, that notwithstanding this capacity, such is the effect of our wayward policy, that almost every avocation or pursuit in this country is crowded. We have too many lawyers, too many doctors, too many farmers, too many cotton and tobacco planters, and too many manufactures of most descriptions. The classes for which we want supplics, are principally mechanics and labourers.

from Ireland to the Cape of Good Hope and to Canada, in order to lessen the population of that ill-fated country. It would be a national benefit, therefore, to the British government, to open an asylum for distressed Irish in this country, and thus save it from the expense of their removal.

The superabundance of the unemployed population of Ireland arises from the ruinous policy of the government, and the extravagant drains of the national wealth by the absentees, being no less than $13,500,000 per annum. The same effect is produced in Great Britain by the wonderful improvement of machinery, which supersedes the labour of the working classes, reduces their wages in many cases to the minimum of the support of a mere existence; and in some, even below that wretched modicum, thus sinking a large proportion of them into the degraded state of paupers.

Some of our political economists are loud and unqualified in their praise of mechanical improvements, as tending to increase national wealth and resources. To a certain extent, and under certain limitations, this doctrine is perfectly correct. That they have that tendency cannot be denied. But alas! how dear the purchase, under particular circumstances! What masses of misery have they not produced in Great Britain! They have sunk into abasement an important part of the population, and quadrupled the paupers of that country, whose numbers have regularly increased in proportion to the improvement of machinery. The friends of humanity will have no difficulty in deciding the question between the advantages and disadvantages of a system producing such deleterious effects.* Can

* I should deeply regret were it supposed, from the passage in the text, that I entertain the heterodoxical opinion, that improvements in laboursaving machinery are on the whole pernicious. Far from it. They are generally salutary. In fact, were consumption to keep pace with the power of production, they would be universally so. But as the best things in the world may become pernicious by abuse or excess, so the prodigious improvements in machinery, whenever, by depriving large bodies of people of employment, they reduce them to wretchedness and beggary, are a public nuisance, and frequently operate as perniciously on the interests of the employers as the employed. This is strongly exemplified in Great Britain at present in the cotton trade. Production, in consequence of its extraordinary facility, outruns consumption—hence all the markets in the world, open to the reception of British cotton fabrics, are almost constantly glutted with them—and the prices are consequently reduced below a proper remuneration. Remittances fail. Production is then diminished. Distress and desolation spread through