According to Philip Murray, the voting strength of the C. I. O. unions and the immediate families of their members is something like 14,000,000. Sidney Hillman has talked in terms of organizing some 28,000,000 voters in the 1944 elections. These figures obviously represent a great deal of wishful thinking, and they are set down here merely as reflecting the proportions of Philip Murray's and Sidney Hillman's political ambitions.

On November 5, 1943, in PM, Hillman announced that the C. I. O. Political Action Committee expected to raise and spend the sum of $2,000,000 in the election campaigns of 1944. Philip Murray stated some weeks ago that the C. I. Ó. unions had already donated $700,000 of this enormous slush fund.

Many units of the C. I. O. have already imposed a compulsory assessment upon their members for the support of the C. I. O. Political Action Committee. Inasmuch as government coercion compels hundreds of thousands of workers to join the C. I. O., it is obvious that there are many of these workers who have no choice but to make their financial contributions to this Hillman-Communist conspiracy whether they approve of it or not. It is further clear that if this type of political coercion were applied by other than labor organizations, backed by the power of government, it would be widely held and courageously labelled an intolerable encroachment of some form of totalitarianism. As it stands, it is a piece of tyrannical taxation for those members of the C. I. O. who are compelled to contribute their assessments, at the risk of forfeiting their livelihoods, without sharing in any degree the political objectives of Sidney Hillman and his Communist associates.

4

C. I. O. EXECUTIVE BOARD

The C. I. O. executive board, the body which officially launched the C. I. O. Political Action Committee on July 7, 1943, is composed of the C. I. O.'s president, secretary-treasurer, 9 vice presidents, and 38 other leaders of its affiliated unions. Out of these 49 executive board members, the following who are now serving have notorious Communist records:

The foregoing 18 individuals who are leaders in the C. I. O. Political Action Committee are not the only members of the C. I. O. executive board who have had affiliations with Communist front organizations, but they are the ones whose records are such that they indicate complete subservience to the Communist Party line, regardless of the ways in which that line may change. The United States Civil Service Commission has provided one of the best definitions of a Communist as a person "who follows the Communist Party line through one or more changes." On the basis of that definition, all of the 18 listed above are Communists. Their records are discussed later in this report.

Eighteen Communists bulk extremely large in an executive board which numbers only 49 members. Admittedly they do not constitute a majority of the board, but, as long as the C. I. O. shelters so large a number of leaders who are subversive, the entire organization wears a dark blot upon its escutcheon. If any organization included or ever had included among its top leaders as large a percentage of provable Nazis and never did anything to remove them, that organization would be rightly suspect in the minds of patriotic Americans.

The Special Committee on Un-American Activities is fully aware of the fact that large numbers of the rank-and-file members of organized labor have been sold on the idea that a Communist can be a good labor leader regardless of his communism. This, we believe, is a fallacy of the most sinister import. It is a fallacy invented by Communists for the sole purpose of worming their way into positions of leadership where, when the opportune moment arrives, they may be able to do the maximum harm to American institutions.

The strike at the aircraft plant of North American in California which occasioned the President's sending the United States Army to open the plant in defiance of the strikers is an excellent illustration of the damage that may be done when thousands of non-Communists submit to the leadership of a handful of Communists. Admittedly, that strike was organized and led by Communists. Admittedly, the

overwhelming majority of the strikers had no sympathy whatever for communism, which is obviously true of the overwhelming majority of the membership of the entire C. I. O. Nevertheless, the strike occurred and the damage was done. It will be remembered that the North American strike took place some weeks before the entrance of Russia into the war. Today, the very Communist leaders who obstructed the production of military aircraft at North American are now clamoring for the enactment of a labor draft law which would subject every employee such as those at North American to the strictest military discipline.

The Communist-led strike at the North American Aviation Co. was not by any means the only such stoppage in vital war materials production. There was, to cite another example, the prolonged stoppage of production at the Allis-Chalmers plant-a political strike led by Communist Harold Christoffel, who is now active in the C. I. O. Political Action Committee. There was also the most serious loss to the Nation's military security in the political strike at International Harvester where Communist Grant Oakes was in charge of the Party's strategy to aid Hitler. In both the Allis-Chalmers and the International Harvester stoppages, there was no denying the Communist leadership but there was also no ground for believing that the overwhelming majority of the striking employees were even slightly Communist-inclined. As in the case of the majority of the strikers at North American Aviation Co., so in these other cases the majorities were submitting to Communist domination under the utterly false doctrine that even a Communist can do no wrong when he garbs himself for the role of a leader of organized labor. It is our considered judgment that, if Communists ever menace America, they will do so when working through such organizations as the National Maritime Union, the American Communications Association, the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America, and the C. I. O. Political Action Committee.

We incorporate at this point a summary of some of the Communistled strikes which we included in our report to the House on January 2, 1943, and again point out that the very men who were responsible for these treasonable work stoppages now propose to say what the composition of the Congress of the United States shall be. The summary follows:

(a) Allis-Chalmers. One of the most damaging of the sabotage strikes was that at the Allis-Chalmers plant in Milwaukee which lasted for many weeks. The strike was conducted by the United Automobile Workers of America, whose leader at the plant was Harold Christoffel. The committee's investigation left no doubt about Christoffel's Communist affiliations. Among other Communist connections, he was one of the leaders of the American Peace Mobilization and of the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties.

(b) Harvill. The committee made a thorough investigation of the strike leadership at the Harvill plant in Los Angeles, Calif. There the striking union was the National Association of Die Casters, and the leader of the strike was Kenneth Eggert. Although Eggert slipped into California under an alias for the purpose of tying up the Harvill plant, the committee promptly identified him and exposed him as Kenneth Eggert, former Communist Party secretary in Toledo, Ohio.

(c) Vultee.-The committee exposed the Communist leadership of the disastrous work stoppage at the Vultee aircraft plant in Los Angeles, Calif. The union involved was the United Automobile Workers of America, and among the more important Communist leaders of the strike was Wyndham Mortimer.

(d) International Harvester.-For weeks, the International Harvester plant at Chicago was tied up by the Farm Equipment Organizing Committee under the leadership of Grant Oakes whose Communist record included prominent activity in the American Peace Mobilization.

(e) Aluminum.-In April 1941, the National Association of Die Casters tied up the plants of the Aluminum Co. of America in Cleveland, Ohio. The committee's investigations turned up the fact that Alex Balint, leader of the strike, was an alien, an ex-convict, and an old-time Communist Party member who had used the name "Al Barry."

(f) North American.-The strike at the North American Aviation in Inglewood, Calif., led to an order by the President for the United States Army to take over the plant. In this instance also, the committee established the fact that the strike leadership was Communist. The president of the local of the United Automobile Workers which conducted the strike was Elmer J. Freitag. Freitag vehemently denied all Communist connections until confronted with indisputable documentary evidence in the committee's possession.

(g) New York Transport.-In March 1941, the Transport Workers' Union called a strike which seriously interrupted the facilities of the transportation system in New York City. The committee published a special report, known as appendix V, which established the farreaching Communist control of the Transport Workers' Union under the leadership of Michael J. Quill.

(h) Lumber.-The International Wood Workers of America called and continued a disastrous strike in the lumber industry in defiance of governmental agencies. The union's leader, O. M. Orton, was exposed by the committee as a Communist who occupied a place of foremost leadership in the American Peace Mobilization.

(i) Trona.-The Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers' Union, headed by Reid Robinson, brought about a particularly serious work stoppage at Trona, Calif. The committee's investigation clearly established the fact of the Communist motives and leadership of the strike. Reid Robinson was vice president of the American Peace Mobilization. The C. I. O. Political Action Committee is the creature of the C. I. O. executive board and, by subsequent ratification, of the C. I. O. national convention. While Communists do not constitute a majority of the executive board, the latter must assume responsibility for launching a political movement which serves Communist ends and a political movement in which Communists from coast to coast have penetrated in order to further those Communist ends.

5

THE INDUSTRIAL UNION COUNCIL

For many years, the customary name for any local grouping of unions in the American Federation of Labor has been Central Trades and Labor Council. The counterpart for this name in the local groupings of the C. I. O. is Industrial Union Council. Both cities and States have their industrial union councils which are made up of the C. I. O. union locals in their areas. For example, the Greater New York Industrial Union Council federates all of the locals of the C. I. O. unions within the area of Greater New York.

To as great an extent as they have entrenched themselves in the leadership of the C. I. O. international unions, the Communists have penetrated and dominate the local industrial union councils. There are hundreds of these industrial union councils, and they wield a decisive influence over the rank and file members of the C. I. O. unions. Communists, with their energetic and often practical political strategy, put quite as much, if not more, effort into winning control of the industrial union councils as they do into the capturing of the higher positions of leadership in the international bodies.

The local leadership of the C. I. O. Political Action Committees usually, if not always, coincides with the local leadership of the industrial union councils. Having already captured the leading positions in so many of the industrial union councils, the Communists have a ready-made machinery for carrying out their political objectives. What was hitherto simply the local branch of the Communist Party now becomes, with the transformation of the party into an educational association, the local C. I. O. Political Action Committee. Or, in other words, the "comrades" preside one night over the C. I. O. industrial union council, and the next night the same "comrades" preside over the C. I. O. Political Action Committee. And, according to Browder's plan, they will meet on still another night as the "comrades" of the American Communist Educational Association. The Communist Party will have disappeared. The subversive influence of the Communist Party will have been greatly increased and more widely diffused.

When the highly seditious American Peace Mobilization was gravely threatening the military preparedness of the United States,

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