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PART FIRST.

THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.

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LETTER I.

Introduction. Causes of the Letters.- Little Appreciation of the Federal Constitution. The Church a Comforter, but no Governor. - Restoration of the Authority of Law. - Influence of Woman. -Resistance against the Execution of Laws. - Vigilance Committees.-. Ten-Thousand-Dollar Subscription for Rebellion in Kansas. - Ancient Rome. - Dangers to the Constitution and Union. Articles of Confederation of 1777.- New Constitution for a Society of European Descendants, Africans, and Indians. The Object, Union and an independent, powerful National Government, excluding all Municipal Affairs, Bond Labor included. The Contents in Seven Articles.

MY DEAR CHILDREN: I have often thought of writing for you, and perhaps others too, a kind of common-sense commentary on the federal constitution; and why? Because I have too many proofs that this organic law is not so well known and appreciated as it deserves. In a conversation I once had with one of our most patriotic men and writers, on the state of our turbulent, growing public affairs, he said, "Nothing can save us but the church." I have often inquired, in houses stocked with books, for a copy of the federal constitution, but in vain; there was This justifies what I said. If the church is our help, why set up a constitution at all? Why organize a state or Congress? Is not the church older than our Union? Why has the church never checked political corruption? What society is

none.

losing by the bad administration of the laws, and excesses of parties and factions, no church, Christian or not, can restore, unless the church turns state. Religion can comfort men when suffering from anarchy; a Christian preacher may exhort rioters and rebels to keep the peace; church organizations may charitably lessen misery in civil commotions and war, but the church can not do more. It can not re-establish justice or rule, without becoming state or government. An earnest and strong sense of justice, strict fidelity to our constitutions, and a faithful, manly execution of the laws-in one word, the restoration of the sunken authority of the laws alone—can save our commonwealth. We still have, for this purpose, patriotism, virtue, and honesty enough, in the country. It only wants to be brought into activity.

I wish, besides, to make the powerful social influence of woman available. When this influence upon society in general is regulating, moderating, pacifying, and ennobling, why should woman not exert a similar influence upon the public social affairs? This is impossible without a clear understanding of the objects, principles, and provisions, of our supreme law of the land, the federal constitution. To make it as plain as household words is the aim of these letters-which, however, have been written with due regard to the constructions of the various departments of the government, and the academical and juridical commentaries. I have consulted the best, and even maintained their own words in some instances; so you may be assured that I give you the constitution and nothing but the constitution. Its general, thorough understanding, in our time, where it is so often misrepresented, and even openly opposed by men of talents and learning, is most desirable. All public affairs directly concern families, and hence the private interests of families must necessarily suffer from bad governing.

Look out what course the ship of state is taking! In the East, men of parts are outraging, by their public speeches and behavior, all sense of justice and propriety, and openly give their support to resistance against the officers of the United States, so that the troops have been ordered for their protection. This is the beginning of the end of civil government. In the West, vigilance committees act as courts. Wealthy men subscribe ten thousand dollars for rebellion, and associations furnish partisan voters and fighters

for newly-settled territories. Powerful ancient Rome fell when single citizens were rich enough to keep armies of their own, to fight out their ambitious schemes. Our ten-thousand-dollar men and associations are in the same manner undermining the stability of our republic.

That this happens is not the fault of our institutions, or of the federal constitution, but the effect of error and ignorance about it. This constitution is the work of the best men America has produced; it is the true native glory of our country, unsurpassed by any products of indigenous art and skill, however useful and excellent in their way. This constitution has created our Union, the parent of our immense commerce and gigantic industrial and social progress. Our existence as a nation may be jeoparded by a few errors about the meaning of our constitution, if taken hold of by fanatics, parties, and factions. I shall dwell upon such errors, and try to make them harmless by exposing the plain truth, and shall therefore be as practical as possible.

The convention elected by the thirteen states, in 1787, for the purpose of projecting a new constitution for the United States, existing as such under the celebrated articles of confederation of November, 1777, had, for its material, a most peculiar society, composed of European descendants, Africans, and American Indians. The first were the ruling race, open to increase by immigration; the second were domesticated as slaves, a few of whom were then manumitted, open to increase by birth and slave importation; the third were living in tribes, with chiefs, under the surveillance and jurisdiction of the first, open to increase by territorial acquisition. The convention had no power to alter this material or the elements of society. Its only duty was to set up an organic law by which the whole would form a more compact union, represented by a more independent and powerful central government than that established by the just-mentioned articles of confederation.

This body, therefore, had no power to make provisions for general reforms, municipal affairs, civil and criminal or police laws, bills of rights, voting, religious, educational, scientific subjects, etc. It had nothing to do with domestic affairs, concerning labor and service for time or life. Those who say that the federal constitution, the product of this convention, has established bond labor

or slavery, or is maintaining it, mistake it entirely, as will become more evident later.

The great fundamental law is exceedingly simple, plain, and short, and contains seven articles, with the following heads :ARTICLE I. Of the Legislature.

ARTICLE II.

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Of the Executive.

ARTICLE III.
ARTICLE IV.

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Miscellaneous (relating to the validity of public acts and records, the equal rights of citizenship, the treatment of fugitives from justice and service, admission of new states, administration of the territory, the guaranty of a republican form of government).

ARTICLE V.- Of Amendments.

ARTICLE VI.

- Miscellaneous (relating to public faith and justice in regard to the war-debts, etc.; declaring the constitution the supreme law of the land; to the general oath or affirmation of all public officers, and members of Congress and legislatures; the abolishing of the religious test).

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Short History of the Coun

Greeks,

try. The Revolution. - Necessity of a National Government. Romans, Germans, Italians. — United States of America. — Family, Tribe. - Constitution of the People, and not of the States. — Object of the Constitution. National, municipal, free, non-political or private Affairs.Justice. St. Paul's First Letter to Timothy. - Common Defence. Insubjection.

Licentiousness.

In the following letters I shall converse with you on the federal constitution, section by section. Please imagine that you are attending some lectures on this all-important subject. I hope it will not be a tiresome labor for you to make, in this manner, the closer · acquaintance of a written work, which millions of free and happy men are considering as a sacred legacy of George Washington and his illustrious compatriots.

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

"Preamble.

We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America."

Preambles and prefaces are generally considered unprofitable reading, especially by ladies; but you must make an exception with this preface. It closes the epoch in the history of our country from 1643 to 1787, which may be termed the time of incubation of our present Union.

After the colonists had opened the path for European culture through the primitive American forests, erected towns where before stood wigwams, subdued powerful Indian tribes, and had in those struggles for life and independence acquired the skill of selfgovernment, so easily lost in luxury and affluence, they felt the necessity of a government of their own, and a union of their colonial forces. Many attempts were made for this purpose, during the period I have indicated, as you know from the history of the United States. When the right time came to strike the blow, the right men were at the head of the public affairs to secure success.

As the colonists always managed their municipal affairs themselves, under English governors, the question after the liberation was to give a proper form and place to that part of the public affairs which belong to a nation, and which were, with the usual haughty, lordly spirit of a monarch, withheld by the English

crown.

If you throw a glance at the history of the world, you will discover that it is this kind of public business which has caused the great revolutions and struggles for freedom. The ancient Greeks managed their municipal affairs as well as we ours; but they never succeeded, although repeatedly trying it, in organizing the national business well. They deserved, on this account, hardly the name of a nation, and became therefore an easy prey to their monarchical adversaries. The success of the Romans, on the other hand, resulted from the strong consolidation of the national affairs in Rome, similar to that of France in Paris. To set this business right, the Germans revolted in 1848. The Italians are, it is said, at the eve of a revolution for the same purpose. When

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