and of galley-slaves-such were the rewards which the gratitude of Ferdinand bestowed on the soldiers and statesmen of Spain.

While Spain exhibited a spectacle which would have disgraced the darkest period of the dark ages, her ancient vassals, the States of the Netherlands, were wisely and rationally employed in consolidating their new government on the bases of rational freedom and order. It has been one great advantage arising from the French revolution, and the discussions to which it has given birth, that some well-chosen principles, or axioms of freedom, have been ascertained on all hands to be the fitting groundwork of a new constitution. The Report, which the States of the Netherlands received from the committee appointed to draw up the plan of a constitution, contained the following important articles :

All the guarantees, which the first fundamental law had given to individual liberty and property, have been retained.

den.

Every arbitrary arrest is forbid

"If, on an urgent occasion, the government causes an individual to be arrested, he must be brought, within three days, before the judge whom the law assigns him.

"No one can, under any pretext whatever, be withdrawn from the jurisdiction of this judge.

"The unjust penalty of confiscation is abolished.

"All judicial sentences must be pronounced in public.

"Those in civil causes, must contain the grounds on which they are founded; in criminal causes, they must declare the circumstances of the crime, and the law applied by the judge.

No one can be deprived of his

property, except for the public benefit, and for a reasonable indemnity.

"The abode of every subject of the king is inviolable.

"The right of petitioning, duly regulated, is recognized by the law. It admits of no privilege in respect to

taxes.

"Every subject of the king is eligible to all employments, without distinction of birth, or of religious belief.

"The liberty of the press will have no other restraint, than the responsibility of him who writes, prints, or distributes.

"The committee have placed among the first duties of the government, that of protecting public instruction.

"The most precious of all rights, that of liberty of conscience, is guaranteed as formally as it is possible to be.

"The committee, after the lapse of ten years, propose to consider as definitive, and as making a part of the fundamental law, the dispositions of the statutes emanating from the king, or approved by him, relative to the right of electing the members of the several assemblies, and the right of sitting in them.

"The present number of deputies sent by the northern provinces remains unchanged. That of the southern provinces has been regulated in an equitable manner, paying particular attention to their population, and to the proportional number of deputies by which they have been already represented."

The report then observes, that there is a part of the States General which ought not to be subject to periodical elections, and proceeds thus:

"The possessors of a large for

tune vested in land, lent to the state, or usefully employed in supporting the national commerce, will carefully watch that none of these sources of public wealth may be obstructed or dried up. They would not be sufficiently independent if they were liable to be removed. We propose to nominate them for life. This nomination must come from the king. The spirit of a monarchical government prescribes it; the interest of the nation demands it. This prerogative will give the sovereign an influence over the higher classes of society, which will be useful to all. It has been the constant rule of our conduct-the inviolable guide of our labours, to bring our institutions to the essence of a limited monarchy."

Having thus provided for the constitution of the States General, the proposed constitution made provision for the mode in which they were to execute their authority.

"The king proposes to the Chamber elected by the provincial states, the projects of laws which have been deliberated upon in his council of

state.

"This Chamber examines them; and having adopted them, sends them to the other Chamber, which has to examine them in the same

manner.

"The Chamber, whose members are chosen for life, receives and discusses the propositions which the other thinks it proper to make to the king. It never makes any itself.

"It adopts the proposition, and transmits it to the king, who gives or refuses its sanction.

"We have thought that to preserve this precious advantage, it was necessary to render the sitting of the States General public; restraining, however, this publicity within the

VOL. VIII. PART I.

limits which may prevent the abuse of it, and remove all kinds of danger.

"We have no need, sire, to give any reason for inserting in the project of the fundamental law, the forms of several oaths.

"Your Majesty reigns over a people who have a religious respect for the solemnity of an oath, who take none but with due reflection, and faithfully perform what they have sworn to observe.

"The bases of the organization of the judicial power in the first fundamental law, nearly approaching the ancient law of Holland, do not essentially deviate from the ancient legislation of Belgium-we have retained them.

"In civil causes, the judges in the first instance are placed nearer to those under their jurisdiction.

"The independence of the judges is guaranteed; they receive from the public treasury a salary fixed by the law, and are named by the king, the most of them for life, upon the presentation of the provincial states, or of the Second Chamber of the States General."

On

It was next provided, that the crown should be hereditary in the family of the present king, with the command of the armies of the state, and the power of making peace and war. this important point, the fundamental law was recognised, as giving to the crown all due authority, yet under such limits as might ensure the preservation of the rights of the subject.

It must give pride to the British heart to observe, how carefully the principles of our own invaluable constitution have been adopted by this new government, as if our oak had afforded a scyon to every land which desired its powerful shelter.

2 A

The

clergy of Belgium alone, a class who somewhat resemble those of Spain, in their love of power and narrowness of principle, saw, in the article which stipulated a general toleration, the downfall of their Great Diana. A remonstrance to the king, July 28. subscribed by the bishops of Ghent, Namur, and Tournay, and the vicars-general of Liege and Malines, spoke the language of the ages of intolerance, rather than that of the nineteenth century.

"We most respectfully take the liberty to lay before your majesty an article of the new constitution, which, in securing the same protection to all religions, would be incompatible with the free and entire exercise of our official duties.

"We are bound, sire, incessantly to preserve the people entrusted to our care, from the doctrines which are in opposition to the doctrines of the Catholic church. We could not release ourselves from this obligation without violating our most sacred duties; and if your majesty, by virtue of a fundamental law, protected in these provinces the public profession and spreading of these doctrines, the progress of which we are bound to oppose with all the care and energy which the catholic church expects from our office, we should be in formal opposition to the laws of the state, to the measures which your majesty might adopt to maintain them among us, and in spite of all our endeavours to maintain union and peace, the public tranquillity might still be disturbed.

"We dare not conceal from you, sire, that such regulations, if they were confirmed by your majesty, could only tend to a renewal of the troubles which desolated these provinces in the 16th century; and that they must, sooner or later, alienate the hearts of your faithful subjects in this part of vour kingdom, where the attachment

to the catholic faith is stronger and more lively than in any other country in Europe.

"Already the proclamation of your majesty, which announced that the new constitution should ensure the liberty of religion, and give all equal favour and protection, filled every heart with consternation. It is known that this dangerous system is one of the main articles of the modern philosophy, which has been the source of so many misfortunes to us-that evidently aims at exciting indifference to all religions at lessening their influence from day to day, and at destroying them in the end entirely."

But the moving cause of this bigotted clamour is distinctly and honestly confessed to be the exclusion of the clergy from their right to be represented in the national councils, and the allegation that they did not enjoy that influence and consideration which they expected and desired. We believe that the mere perusal of their own Memorial will satisfy most rational persons, how very ill, men capable of arguing in a manner so narrow and illiberal, are fitted to hold political power. From the language of their remonstrance, it seems certain that they do not want the will to give disturbance to the newly settled government; but although the lower rank of Flemings are strict catholics, and as such, under the sway of their priests, the clergy possess too little influence over the better classes, to be in any degree formidable to the tranquillity of the state.

The King of the Netherlands next communicated to the States General a message and law project, relative to the marriage of the Prince of Orange with the Grand Duchess Anne of Russia. The politicians, who remembered that the breaking off the match between the Princess Charlotte of Wales and this young Prince of

Orange was, amongst other causes, imputed to the influence of the Duchess of Oldenburg over our princess, now applauded their own penetration, and declared the private motives of the adviser were but too evident. The alliance, which took place shortly afterwards, was indeed highly desirable, in a political point of view, both to Russia and the Netherlands. But for Britain, we must own, that a connection with the continent, of a nature so very intimate, seemed to us to threaten consequences which almost counterbalanced the personal qualities of the Prince of Orange; and the Princess Charlotte having since found a husband of a suitable rank, and highly gifted with the personal qualities necessary to secure her domestic happiness, as well as the love and esteem of the country, we cannot regret that he has no continental dominions to divide his affections from the country and destined kingdom of his consort.

The fate of Poland, that is of the Duchy of Warsaw, was finally decided by the powers assembled in Con gress. It was united to Russia, but with a constitution of its own. The ancient Polish laws were preserved, with some modifications, bringing them nearer to the constitution of 1791. The general diet, or national representation, granted taxes or imports, and before any new law or alteration of the old system can be enforced, it must receive their sanction and that of the sovereign. Some regulations are made for protection of personal liberty, and for bringing accused persons to speedy trial. The ancient Polish capital of Cracow is the only part of the kingdom which still retains its independence, being declared a free city by the Congress. The rest of this fine kingdom, as a separate and independent state, is now blotted from the map of Europe. But the

autocrat of Russia unites to his numerous titles that of King of Poland, a sound at which his barbarous predecessors were wont to tremble.

Little of an important nature occurred in Germany during this year. All hopes and fears-all hearts, and almost all hands, were engaged in France, and bent on the issue of that awful conflict. A singular discussion took place betwixt the King of Wirtemberg and his subjects, assembled as States-general. The king (in imitation of Buonaparte, perhaps,) submitted to this convocation a scheme of a constitution, of which he required their acceptance. The States gave him to understand, that Jan. 12. they were attached to the ancient constitution of their country. and desired that it should be retained, with such alterations and modifications as the new lights of the times should seem to render necessary. The king procrastinated, adjourned the convention of the states, and, in the meantime, endeavoured to raise taxes by his own authority. The subjects, understanding the full value of reserving to the representative body the com mand of the supplies, refused to pay the taxes thus imposed. The States having met again in the middle of Oc tober, their dispute with the king was renewed on a fresh Oct. 15. ground, his majesty alleging, that whatever rights the inhabitants of Old Wirtemberg might claim under their former constitution, none such were competent to his dominions in their extended state. This principle was stoutly opposed by the States, who alleged, that the incorporated territories, having lost their own proper rights, had, in fact, become an integ ral part of Wirtemberg, and entitled to a full share in its immunities. Negociations were entered into for a final accommodation of the points of

The Prussians seized on their pound of flesh, cut out of the bosom of Saxony, nearest the heart; the portion ceded, contained Thuringia, both Lusatias, and Henneberg. The King of Saxony, from whom these dominions were rended, took leave of his late subjects in an affecting valedictory address. "All my efforts," he said, "to avert so painful a sacrifice have been vain. I must part from you; and the bonds which your fidelity and attachment to my person render so dear to me, the bonds which have formed for ages the happiness of my house and of my ancestry, must be for ever broken." A final peace, of which this cession was the hard purchase, was then signed between Prussia and Saxony. Another accession fell to Prussia in the course of this year. Swedish Pomerania, it may be remembered, had been ceded to Denmark, in lieu of the kingdom of Norway, which was united with Sweden. But the King of Denmark, finding this equivalent lay too much divided from his other dominions to be of any great advantage, bartered Swedish Pomerania and Rugen with Prussia, in consideration of receiving the Duchy of Lauenburgh, ceded for that purpose by Hanover, and a certain sum of money. The king, at the same time, entered into possession of his former Polish provinces, to the inhabitants of which he promised a full share in all the immunities and privileges of his other dominions. Thus the energy of Prussia was recompensed by recovered and extended territory, and, raised from the condition of a secondrate power by her own exertions, she was once more in a capacity to rank among the first sovereign states in Europe.

Prussia being thus enlarged and strengthened, the king proceeded to relax the reins of despotism, which had been drawn so tight by Frederick the Great and his father. He proposed to introduce national representation, the liberty of the press, and other arrangements favourable to public freedom and happiness. Whether these enactments will be so effectually carried into exercise as to qualify in a very material degree the military despotism which has hitherto been the moving principle in Prussia, time alone can determine.

By an important act of confederation, signed at Vi- June 8. enna, the German states endeavoured to substitute a new form of alliance for the dissolved bands of the ancient empire. All the sovereign states and free cities united in this league, and committed the management of the general affairs of the empire to a diet, in which there are to be seventeen votes, several of the inferior states joining together to form a single vote. The representative of Austria is to preside in the Diet, and Frankfort on the Maine is named as the place of meeting. This Amphictyonic council is designed to regulate and adjust such differences as may arise in the confederation, and guarantee the independence of the inferior states. It is also announced, that the Diet shall lay down regulations concerning the general rights of Germans to enjoy landed property, or enter into military service in any state of the empire without distinction; also to lay down leading rules concerning the freedom of the press, and general toleration all through Germany. The plan is, no doubt, wise and patriotic in its outset, and if persevered in on disinterested and steady principles, may do much to give the German empire an unity and consolidation which