we therefore greatly need these grants to bring us up to the mark. But the writer continues: "Day schools are not a necessity of its (the Connexion's) existence. They are important to it, and will hereafter be more so; but they are few in number, and it is highly probable that the proportion of their increase will be small for a considerable period, as the Connexion is in no degree dependent upon their establishment for the accomplishment of its specific work amongst the ignorant and degraded."* To this remarkable utterance we reply: we believe with the writer, that day schools will increase but slowly amongst us as matters now stand. But this, we maintain, quite contrary to his view, speaks loudly for the need of such grants as he condemns, in order that the rate of increase may be accelerated. As to what is affirmed respecting day schools not being necessary in any sense for the accomplishment of our proper work among the degradedto admit this would be, in effect, to say, that a good secular and religious education is of no consequence in relation to conversion, which would be like saying that seed time is of no consequence to harvest. And, besides the direct influence of education on the child, who does not know how the 'most hardened parents may be reached through their children? We admit that working upon the masses by this means is slow, tame, and rather expensive. There is nothing romantic or sensational about it. But nevertheless it is very effective, planting good where otherwise there would be evil; and hence it must be important in relation to evangelistic effort. We need say but little in reply to the remark that day schools are not a necessity of Connexional existence, for whoever would be content with mere existence while he could honourably get more than this?-which, it has been shown, we can do by obtaining educational grants. In conclusion, let us just indicate the result of the argument. We have proved that as a denomination we may accept government grants without violating any principle of dissent, without conniving at any false system which receives them along with us, and also without sacrificing Connexional honour or independence. We have also shown that, as a body, we greatly need these grants to assist in bringing up our educational to something like equality with our evangelistic power, and enable us to train the children of the masses, whom, by God's help, we save. Are these principles founded in truth? Then the duty to accept grants is evident, while to continue in refusing them would be to stubbornly persevere in a course that is unsound in principle, and in practice very detrimental to the interests of the Connexion. As to the objection urged in the Conference that the reception of grants would necessitate the establishment of a normal * “Christian Ambassador," p. 26. to us. school for the education of teachers, which would involve an amount of expense for which we are not prepared, we remark, it need not do this at present, as, for a time, teachers belonging to the Connexion might be obtained-teachers, we mean, that have been trained in one or other of the existing normal schools. There are at present many government schools belonging to bodies which have no normal schools, the teachers in which schools have been trained in existing colleges, or have stood successful examinations by inspectors while employed as pupil teachers. The same sources are open If, however, the objection should be still urged, on the ground that a normal school must ultimately be required, we reply that the same difficulty is common to any comprehensive system of denominational education apart from the state, for it is evident that, were our day schools rapidly to increase, a sufficient supply of teachers could not be found without an institution to aid in training them. So that, unless we abandon the idea of trying to provide education for our children, the question is not whether we shall have a normal school or not, but whether we shall support one solely at our own expense, or ask government for grants to aid us in its support. JOHN BARFOOT. P.S." The expectation that the Congregational Dissenters would soon abandon their objections to State grants for education is already being realised. At a meeting of the leading ministers and laymen of the Blackburn district of the Congregational Union, a resolution was passed, with only one dissentient, recommending the churches of the denomination to avail themselves of the grants in aid of the Privy Council until a better system could be established.' It is possible, says the 'Nonconformist,' this advice will be generally taken. There is small chance that a system of secular education, supported by local rates, will, for a long time at least, be established in England, and Nonconformists are coming to the conclusion that they may consistently accept the Privy Council grant, provided that government inspection is not extended to religious education. It is certain that they have been quite beaten in their efforts to carry on day-schools on the purely voluntary principle. Some years ago large sums were subscribed for that object, and many schools were established, not one-tenth of which have, it is stated, been able to survive the rivalry of the Church schools aided by Parliamentary grants. Our State grant correspondents may profitably reflect on this aspect of the question." Methodist Times, Sep. 23, 1867. "It (the subject of State aid to Congregational schools) was introduced by the Rev. Mr. MacDougall, whose thoughtful and eloquent paper did justice at once to the principles of the question and to the practical difficulties by which it is beset. He is in favour of solving them by handing over secular instruction to the State, reserving religious instruction as the province proper to the religious bodies; but in the meantime he urges the expediency of accepting government aid."-Manchester Examiner, Sep., 1867. ART. V. THE PRINCE CONSORT. The Early Years of His Royal Highness the Prince Consort. Compiled under the direction of Her Majesty the Queen, by Lieutenant-General the Hon. C. Grey. London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1867. The Speeches and Addresses of His Royal Highness the Prince Consort. John Murray, Albermarle Street, 1864. WE well remember the bright, brief, cold Sunday in December, 1861, when through the country the telegraph flashed intelligence that struck the hearts of millions with sorrow, and with something akin to dismay; the intelligence conveyed was that the Prince Consort, or as the people still called him, Prince Albert was dead! The official bulletin of the four eminent medical men in attendance at Windsor Castle, first made the country aware, on the 11th December, that the symptoms of the Prince's disease were serious if not threatening. He had for a fortnight been suffering from a severe cold, which increased in febrile appearance till the fatal typhoid set in. This disease is found to be the disease of early adult life, and prevails to a large extent among the upper and middle classes. · In this calamitous instance the tax upon the resistant and vital energies was very great. If these fail, the foe soon destroys the fortress. They quickly failed here, and the illustrious sufferer was laid low. Constitutionally the vital power was deficient in the Prince. All the other organs of life were in vigorous development, save the heart; its action had been from his youth comparatively feeble. For a day or two nature struggled desperately, the doctors anxiously watched the fluctuations of the conflict, and the appearance of every fresh symptom-now, hoping that the sufferer's strength of constitution and careful habit of life would, in this dread hour, stand him in good stead; now despairing, as the disease waxed in fury. Within the last few hours they announced to the world that there was "some mitigation of the severity of the symptoms," and within an hour before death the Prince expressed himself as strong enough to get out of bed. But a last terrible access of the malady occasioned a dreadful fit of congestion of the lungs, which finally and fatally overmastered nature, and he departed from us to the "world unknown" he had so often spoken of, and so well prepared for. Toplady's beautiful hymn, "Rock of Ages," was frequently on his lips during the few last days of his life. The intelligence that the Queen was a widow, and the royal children fatherless, affected the people of these realms as no other domestic event since the death of that national favourite-the Princess Charlotte, in 1817. It is true that in the interval three of our kings had died; one truly religious and honest though narrow and self-willed, but with division and vice in his family. His reign was long and troubled, his reason became eclipsed, and his last days were spent in mental and physical darkness. The next of the three kings, while called the "first gentleman of Europe," would not be wronged if described as among the first profligates of Europe. The third, though popular in the country, and in many respects the best of king George's sons, was not more than mediocre in intellect and attainment. But in the case of the Prince Consort the English people had latterly become aware of his rare qualities and noble gifts; that he, by his broad and generous views and statesmanlike counsel, was a pillar of strength to the Queen's throne. He disdained to dazzle, and scorned empty display, but he could win and command. He strove to make the Court of St. James one of the noblest in purity, moderation, and power. His own private life was so blameless that the foul breath of slander never reached him. One of the great aims of his life was to give a high moral tone to his children's tastes and character, and to make his household the very model of an English family. Gradually but surely had he won his way into the esteem of the nation, and by nothing more than his willing and hearty support of every movement and enterprise (not involving political partianship) promotive of the national weal. He had thus become endeared to the hearts of the people when he was smitten down before them; and the whole land mourned for him. He was many years in winning his popularity; there had prevailed unfounded suspicion that he unduly interfered in state questions, and that he was infringing upon the treasured rights of the parliament and the people. When the discontent was rife on one occasion, the Prime Minister of the day gave a full explanation to the parliament of the prince's conduct, which proved that no Englishman Z valued the rights of the people more than he did. And even in the excitement of the Russian war, though he at first sided with Lord Aberdeen and Mr. Gladstone rather than with Lord Palmerston and the Turkish party, when the country was fully committed to the struggle, he gave the whole weight of his support to the vigorous and successful prosecution of the war. He was one of the few men who could be quiet in a storm of opposition, and bide his time. And when death took him from us we saw his importance and worth. How often do we fail to see the value of a man till he is removed. This is wrong. To honour, love, and admire good and noble men while they are amongst us is better than building their sepulchres, and rearing costly memorials to their name, "What we have we prize not to the worth, While we enjoy it; but being lacked and lost, So when death struck that midnight blow in the castle at Windsor, we felt the loss we had sustained; that blow fell upon the Queen with a terribleness that we can hardly realise. With her whole heart she had loved the husband of her youth, and her love grew with the lapse of years. Her soul was bound up in his; he was, to use her own expressive words,-"the life of her life!" Since his death she has never fully rallied from the overwhelming anguish of her loss. Sundry newspaper writers have frequently gratuitously lectured upon her withdrawal from "society," as if, after being crushed in the hope and joy of her very existence, she could flutter among the Dundrearies, the "curled darlings," and fine and fast. ladies of "London society." The real duties of her exalted position have never been neglected, nor has she slighted any thing of national interest. All the Prince's cherished projects and enterprizes she has lovingly carried out, doing every thing to perpetuate his name and virtues, and lingering with fond affection in spots and scenes that he laid out or ornamented, or were favourite places with him. As an instance in proof, take this entry from the Queen's journal given in this volume:-"Balmoral, October 13th, 1856. Every year my heart becomes more fixed in this dear paradise, and so much the more so now that all has become my dearest Albert's own creation, own work, own building, own laying out, as at Osborne; that his great taste, and the impress of his dear hand have been stamped everywhere." How different this union of love from the cold, formal, and often unhappy royal alliances in this and Continental countries. Within twelve months of his death Mr. Helps, the well known author of "Friends in Council," under the guiding hand of the Queen, |