Taipei. I have set out the reasons for this conclusion in an article to appear in this month's issue of the American Bar Association Journal. While focusing on the exact terms of normalization for both Taiwan and the Chinese mainland, I believe that we should all bear in mind the broader context in which these terms have become possible. There are some who say that normalization was a reflection of American weakness. I say the opposite. Normalization is a reflection of American strength: Our strength to recognize the reality of nearly one billion people controlled not by Taipei but by Peking. Our strength to act with responsibility to the 17 million people on Taiwan, with whom we have enjoyed close ties for over three decades. Our strength to consolidate and strengthen relations with the creative, industrious and rapidly modernizing Chinese people, and thus to contribute to the peace and stability not only of Asia but of the world. It is in that framework of confidence and strength that we can take the right steps to maintain a full, unofficial relationship with the people of Taiwan-in an environment of enhanced security and peace for all of us. STATEMENT OF HON. ALAN CRANSTON, U.S. SENATOR, STATE OF CALIFORNIA, ON JOINT RESOLUTION REGARDING TAIWAN (H.J. RES. 167) I am pleased to have the opportunity to submit this statement on the omnibus legislation concerning the future of United States relations with the people on Taiwan and the Pescadores. - The President's decision to establish full diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China was a necessary decision a decision based on the simple recognition that the Peking government is the actual government of some 900 million Chinese. I support the President's realistic decision. The United States and Taiwan have had a long and valued friendship. I fully support the continuation of the close educational, cultural, scientific and commercial ties between the people of the United States and the people of Taiwan. As the United States enters an era of official relations with the People's Republic of China, we must maintain and preserve our relations with Taiwan, but now through unofficial, but no less substantive means. Therefore, I am generally pleased with the legislation that the Administration has submitted for the continuance of economic, cultural, scientific, educational, and commercial bonds with Taiwan. However, I believe there is a significant element absent from the Administration proposal. Because of the importance of the overall security of Taiwan and the Pescadores, Senator Kennedy and I, along with 27 other Senators, introduced a joint resolution (S. J. Res. 31) which requires action by the President and Congress to maintain the peace, prosperity, and welfare of the people on Taiwan. Such action will be taken by the President and Congress in accordance with constitutional processes and procedures established by law in the event of any danger to the interests, concerns and espectations of the United States in the peace, prosperity, and welfare of Taiwan. A similar joint resolution was concurrently introduced by Congressman Wolff in the House and is now before this committee (H. J. Res. 167). The White House and the Congress appear to have a difference of opinion regarding the necessity of such a resolution. The White House (although perhaps not the State Department) believes the resolution is unnecessary presumably because it believes the agreement President Carter reached with the Chinese government adequately assures the security of Taiwan. I support the United States-China agreement and believe it is adequate for the security of Taiwan. But it is not so perceived by some members of Congress as evidenced by the number - of other Taiwan resolutions which have been introduced. Nor is it so perceived by much of the American public as evidenced by the polls. The corresponding resolution Senator Kennedy and I have introduced in the Senate and the resolution here considered are intended to correct any misperception that recognition of the Peking government is automatically translated as abandonment of Taiwan. Resolutions spell out what the United StatesChina agreement implies, but leaves unsaid. I am encouraged that Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping, during his recent visit to our nation's capitol, reiterated the wish of his government that the issue of Taiwan's reunification be resolved peacefully. I do not think it serves anyone's interest to settle it by any other means. The Chinese are known for their patience, as the Chinese leader has stated. The Chinese are also proud. I believe it is more out of national pride and sovereignty that Peking will not rule out the use of force against Taiwan than because force is a viable option. But since the People's Republic of China will not give an express pledge not to use force against Taiwan, the United States should refrain from closing its own options to respond in the unlikely event that force is used. Our resolution is designed to maintain security for the people on Taiwan and to retain the U. S. option of flexible response. The United States has stated that it expects the issue of Taiwan's reunification with China will be accomplished peacefully. - The resolution is not intended as a warning to Peking unless that be necessary but as an assurance to the people of the United States and the people of Taiwan who are concerned about the security of Taiwan. It is important, now, at the outset of a new relationship with China, that this concern be clearly expressed by Congress. These resolutions clearly express the concern of Congress for the people of Taiwan, and provide assurances for the continued peace, prosperity, and welfare of the people on Taiwan and the Pescadores. These resolutions enjoy the broad bipartisan support of both the House and the Senate. In the Senate, the list of cosponsors now numbers 29 and includes Senators Baucus, Bayh, Bentsen, Biden, Bumpers, Durkin, Eagleton, Exon, Gravel, Hayakawa, |