Affairs. Subeme o.. Islon and R IMPLEMENTATION OF TAIWAN RELATIONS ACT: NOV 1 HEARINGS BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES NINETY-SIXTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION 52-949 FEBRUARY 14 AND 15, 1979 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE LESTER L. WOLFF, New York, Chairman TENNYSON GUYER, Ohio DAN MICA, Florida TONY P. HALL, Ohio CHARLES C. DIGGS, JR., Michigan GUS YATRON, Pennsylvania STEPHEN J. SOLARZ, New York EDWARD J. PALMER, Subcommittee Staff Director CHRISTOPHER D. W. NELSON, Subcommittee Staff Associate On December 15, 1978, President Carter completed the work of 7 years, and of two of his predecessors, by announcing the establishment of full diplomatic relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China, to be effective January 1, 1979. As was clear at the time, the United States undertook these steps with mixed emotions, for in order to recognize the People's Republic of China as the government of the mainland, we had to sever formal ties with our longtime friend and ally, the Republic of China, on Taiwan. The following hearings were conducted by the Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs in February to supplement and parallel those held simultaneously by the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Both sets of hearings detailed the concerns dominating the many issues surrounding normalization, which the Congress was being asked to ratify, in effect, through the vehicle of the Taiwan Relations Act.1 CONGRESSIONAL CONCERNS Thus, while the many strategic issues inherent in the triangular relationship between the United States, the Soviet Union, and the People's Republic of China were discussed in detail in the following hearings, as well as in the committee hearings, and in the Congress as a whole, the central debate was over two areas relating to Taiwan in the administration's proposed legislation. These were, first, concern over the security question in the wake of notification of the ending of the Mutual Defense Treaty between Washington and Taipei, and second, how the future economic and social well-being of the people on Taiwan would be promoted under the new, unofficial relationship. All witnesses agreed that as a general proposition, normalization between the United States and the People's Republic of China was a positive step, a logical, inevitable one, which, if properly carried out, could serve to enhance our long-term interests in the world, including the prospects for peace and stability in Asia. ADMINISTRATION BILL SHORTCOMINGS However, the nonadministration witnesses agreed that the original proposals outlined by the administration failed to address the security concern, or the needs of the people on Taiwan, or of the private, commercial interests which were to form the bedrock of the new, unofficial United States-Taiwanese relationship. In the early months of the normalization debate, primary focus was placed on finding an adequate, though unofficial, substitute for the Mutual Defense Treaty. A recent lower court decision has cast possible doubt on the immediate future of the Mutual Defense Treaty, which, technically, remains in effect until January 1, 1980.2 1 See app. 5 for text of the Taiwan legislation adopted by the Congress and signed into law by President Carter on Apr. 10, 1979. 2 See app. 4 for complete text of the Mutual Defense Treaty. (III) |