African Colonization, &c.—Mr. Ken- nedy's report on.... Appeal of the New-York Society... ... .227 Chaos of opinions.. .254 .384 Cape of Good Hope. .322 .383 Cheering prospects ..195 .357 Annual Meeting of N. Y. Society... 184. Meeting of Connecticut Society.....188 Union Society of Augusta, Hallo- well and Gardiner, Maine.... .32 .218, 219 Donation from a free colored man in .289 ..125 Resolution to raise $40, 000 for.91 Hold up this light-Mr. King's project.301 Brightening prospects of.... .217 Plan to raise $20,000, to pur- PAGE PAGE L Expedition for... Departure for.... Letters from. Sugar Cane in.. Constitution of.. From.... Liberia, despatches from.....10, 167, 261 Missionaries, Colored, for Africa.. .127 555 R .231 Missouri, brightening prospects in....249 Correspondence in regard to..301 Renown, departure of..... 306 -, Wreck of.. 224 .355 .314, 325 Repository, African, plan for supply- Liberian Enterprise.. Poetry, specimen of. Report of Female Association.234 Slaves, religious instruction of........323 Missions Missionary labors and Texas. scenes in Southern Africa. .41, 65 Tribute to the late Dr. Proudfit. THERE may be a difference of opinion among many intelligent friends of the Colonization Society in regard to some of the views presented in the following letter, yet its able author is so familiar with the habits and modes of thought of the people of New England, as well as with the history of our various benevolent institutions, that those views merit candid and deep consideration. Of this we have no doubt, that it is of infinite impor tance to produce such a state of the public mind as will secure regular and systematic support to great objects of Christian benevolence, independently of particular excitements and personal application to individuals for donations. The giver, and the receiver also, are twice blest, indeed, when the gift is spontaneous. Let the habit be once formed among Christians of contributing without special solicitation according to their ability to good objects, and there will be a gain economically, and a gain spiritually beyond ordinary calculation. Such is the habit of some individuals and societies we know, and the return of seed time and harvest is not more certain or cheering than their active beneficence. REV. R. R. GURLEY,-Dear Sir.-I am now to consider the question, "How are the interests of African Colonization to be promoted in New England?" Evidently, the method must be adapted to the character of the people. Allow me, therefore, to begin with a few words concerning them. The character of the people of New England, more especially of the giving part of them, has been formed, in a great measure, by congregationalism. The founders of that ecclesiastical system maintained, that all permanent ecclesiastical organizations larger than a single congregation, are unauthorized by scripture, and not only useless, but positively hurtful. They hold, too, that every Christian man is competent, and is in duty bound, to take part in the government of his own church, that is, his own little company of believers, meeting, according to their covenant, in one place for worship and instruction. Every question on which a church must act, was to be brought before the whole company of believers, discussed till each member's mind was made up, and decided by a vote of the whole. Councils and synods might be called on special occasions, but with no power except to give advice; and that advice was binding on no church, unless first discussed and adopted in a meeting of its members. New England was settled for the sake of reducing this system to practice. For a long time, this was the only ecclesiastical system. To this day, it is substantially adopted by almost every Christian sect among us, and its influence greatly modifies the action of the few who reject it. Next to the church, was and is the school. All New England is divided into school-districts, containing, usually from twenty-five to fifty or one-hundred children each, of a proper age for common-school instruction. In some respects, the schools are regulated by State Legislation; but many practical questions are left to the discussion of the voters in each district, who meet several times a year as legislators, to tax themselves for the support of the school, and to regulate the collection and expenditure of the tax. All New England is also divided into towns; that is, tracts of country six miles square or less, the legal voters in which are a corporation. The original design was, that each town should form a convenient parish, all the inhabitants of which might meet together in one place on the Sabbath, for worship, and for receiving instruction from a minister of the Gospel, supported by a tax on the whole town, This minister must be the choice, first, of the church, that is, the associated communicants; and secondly, of the tax-paying inhabitants, who were to support him. Every tax-payer, therefore, whether a church-member or not, was called upon from time to time, to deliberate and vote concerning the settlement and support of a minister. The business of selecting and supporting ministers has long since been taken from the towns, but is conducted in the same way, substantially, by voluntary associations formed for that purpose, and recognized in law as competent to act on that subject. The towns, however, still retain their corporate existence; and the tax-payers must meet annually or oftener, not only to elect representatives and certain executive officers, but to legislate on a variety of local interests, which the government of each state leaves to their discretion. Thus, by the combined action of the church, the school, the parish and the town, every New Englander is called upon, several times in a year, to act the part of an intelligent legislator, capable of understanding subjects, and acting according to his own convictions. True, too many of us are week-minded and ignorant men ; but even the weak and ignorant will not relinquish the right to go through the forms of deliberation and decision; of making up their minds and acting accordingly. And it should be remembered, that a great part of the legislation which each man is thus called upon to perform, relates to the raising of money, for the promotion of knowledge, piety and morality. Every appeal, therefore, which, like that of the Colonization Society, is closely associated with these objects, calls up at once the feelings of the legislator, whose business it is to demand good reasons for the tax which is requested. From this view of New England habits, which is not new to you, it will be evident that little can be accomplished by the authority of great names. Influential men, acting singly or in concert, may commend the subject to favorable consideration; and that is all they can do. After receiving all the aid that such men can give, the question must still be carried before the individual donors, and argued with each one of them to his own satisfaction. For this, there is absolutely no substitute. The labor may be abolished by addressing many individuals at once in public meetings, and through the press. But the work must be done. The merits of the case must be spread out before every man, and he must understand them, or fancy that he understands them, before he gives. Another consideration, combined with this, shows that the subject may as well be carried to the people at once, without waiting for preliminary movements. Our men of influence are cautious about using up their influence by vain attempts to move the public. When invited to come out boldly in favor of any enterprise of which they think favorably, their minds instinctively glance at the state of public sentiment, and they consider whether, with such efforts as their circumstances allow them to put forth, the enterprise can be made successful. If they doubt on this point, they give you their good wishes, sealed, perhaps, with a small donation, but reserve their influence, to be expended in the accomplishment of practicable objects. The aspect of public sentiment in respect to Colonization, as it has generally been for several years past, and as it now appears to be in the eyes of those who have not considered the subject somewhat attentively, is not such as to encourage them. The first thing to be done, in order to bring out influential men who think well of Colonization, is to convince them that their coming out will be of some use; and this must be done, by acting first on the mass of the people, and eliciting from them evidence of a willingness to be influenced. If the subject were entirely new the case would be somewhat different. They would then judge of its probable success, by considering its merits and the general character of the people. But as the cause is one against which a violent current of public sentiment has been caused to flow, men of influence will require proof that the time has come when the tide can be turned back, before they embark upon it. Our course is, therefore, to carry the subject directly before the great mass of the people, bringing the merits of the case before each one's mind as we can; making a few thorough converts here and a few there, till the sum total is large enough to indicate a rising current of public sentiment in favor of our cause. We can then think of operating on a larger scale and in a more imposing style, with some prospect of success. This work of individual conviction is a work of no trifling magnitude. For some twenty years, those who regard slavery as a good institution, which ought to be perpetual, have been collecting, devising and circulating objections; and for about half that time, the modern anti-slavery party has been doing the same thing with still greater zeal, and so far as New Eng |