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towards the people. They have so long proceeded upon the maxim, that, to admit the people to a participation of power is to undermine their own; and so many of their families would perceive so much danger to their emoluments from a reformed House of Commons, that, in spite of my earnest wishes, I can hardly bring myself to hope, that they will take a popular course. They will, I fear, fold up their arms, and be sulky spectators of the scene; but, as I said last year, "there "they may stand till they turn to stone;" for, as long as they are objects of indifference with the people, they will be objects of contempt with the Prince and ministry. If, however, they take this course, there will not be wanting some amongst those, who have hitherto been their followers, to join the popular standard, by which means alone they can hope to be of the smallest weight. Such men can now have no prospect of escaping from complete obscurity, except by pursuing the course which I have here pointed out. Those who are the mere nominees of others will, indeed, follow the example of their patrons; but, all, who are not so, will either go over to the Minister, or will take a decided part with the people; that is to say, will become advocates for a parliamentary reform, whose exertions, if favoured by events, may lead to the accomplishment of that object, which, as it would be a cure for all grievances, is the only one worth contending for.

have this great object uppermost in their mind; they will take care that reform of parliament shall be the burden of their applications; and, if the packings of party men should upon any occasion overpower them by a majority, the friends of reform will always be able so to divide the Meetings as to baffle the purpose of their opponents, who, they ought never to forget, are as much more dangerous than the ministers themselves as a disguised is more dangerous than an open enemy.

It has been observed, that, upon this occasion, the people have shown no spirit? No: "quite insensible! quite dead to all patriotic feeling!" This is a mistake of the Whigs. It is their old mistake. The people would be alive enough, if they saw any thing to excite their hopes. If they had seen, in the Letter of Lords Grenville and Grey, that they could not coalesce with the minister, unless they were permitted to propose a reform of that House of Commons, who on the 11th of May, 1809, voted that there should be no inquiry into his conduct as described and offered to be proved at the bar by Mr. Madocks; if the people had seen this, how many petitions would the Prince Regent have had poured in upon him praying for the dismission of his ministers! Meetings would, by this time, have been called in many of the counties, and in all the cities and large towns in Great Britain. But, as the people saw, in that Letter, nothing to excite in them any hopes of seeing a reform proposed, they saw no ground for their moving, and they have remained unmoved accordingly.

The part which the friends of freedom have to act is too clearly pointed out by reason to be mistaken. They, indeed, have "no predilections to gratify" other than The Whigs may execrate the apathy of those which gratitude call for. They have the people; but that will not further their "no resentments to indulge" further than views. The people care as little for themtheir own safety demand. Neither of as they care for the people. If the Whigs those considerations exclude from their call upon them, and reproach them with confidence any man, who is ready une- baseness because they will not stir to quivocally to espouse their cause. And, ward off the terrible dangers that menace what do they ask for? They are charged the country; the answer of the people with seeking destruction; but, is this true? is" if there be such dangers, who have Yes; for they ask for the destruction of "we to thank for it, but that House of Comcorruption; they ask for the destruction "mons, for asking for a reform of which of bribery and perjury; they ask for the you have so shamefully calumniated Sir destruction of those scenes of drunkenness," Francis Burdett. If there be no such of fraud, of all sorts of infamies, which," dangers, all is very well as it is." This in such numerous instances, disgrace the is the answer of the people, and it is useless land; and, if this be really and truly what they ask, what argument can be opposed to their demand, and how scandalous it is to accuse them of wicked designs? The people, however, when called together for the purpose of presenting petitions or remonstrances, will assuredly

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to execrate them for it. It is useless to call them base wretches and to threaten to leave them to be ruined. They laugh at all such threats. They are more secure than the great Whigs themselves. For my own part, and I may be supposed to have as little partiality as any body for the present

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

ministry, I solemnly declare, that, if, by the making of a single dot upon this paper I could put the Whigs in their places, I Lord WellinGTON'S PENSION.—Since would not make that dot, unless the Whigs my last number was published, there have first explicitly pledged themselves to a re- been some debates in Parliament worthy form of the Commons' House of Parlia- of the attention of the people. The first ment; because I am as certain as I can that I shall notice is that which took place be of any thing, that without that mea- upon the additional pension of 2,000l. a sure, their entrance into office would be year, proposed to be granted to Lord Welmischievous to the country; that it would lington for his services in the capture of only tend to delude and cheat the people; the city of Rodrigo in Spain. It was reand that it would prolong the duration of commended by the Prince Regent, and abuses, 'till all hope of correction by gen- was proposed to the House of Commons tle means would vanish, leaving us nothing on the 21st of February, and was opposed to look forward to but absolute slavery or by nobody but SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, Who recourse to popular violence. I know, objected to it, as appears from the report that there are some men, and good men of his speech, upon the following grounds: too, who, in their eagerness to get rid of first because the achievement was trifling the present ministers, are willing to over- in its magnitude and especially when comlook all other considerations. But, this pared with the means which the General argues a degree of childish impatience. had at his disposal. Sir Francis said: What can such persons promise themselves "He really thought that the test of disfrom the change? Have they observed "tinguished merit was to perform great the conduct of the Whig party upon such things with inadequate means; but here questions, for instance, as that of Ex-Officio" it was almost impossible to conceive that Informations, when not one of the regular "less should have been done when the party men voted for Lord Folkestone's" means were so ample. (Hear! hear!) motion? What, then, have the friends of "Gentlemen might cry "hear! hear!"" freedom to expect at their hands, if they "but he should be much better pleased to come into power independent of the peo- "hear their reasons than their noise. Their ple? Not a man of them voted for Sir "cries were, indeed, marks of disapprobaFrancis Burdett's motion, relative to tion; but they were nothing more: the Flogging of Soldiers; not a man of "they certainly contained no argument, them voted for the Address which he "and might therefore, perhaps, as well moved to the Prince Regent at the open- "be spared. It appeared that Lord Weling of this session, though many thousand lington had 54,000 British troops, and copies of that Address and the mover's" 30,000 Portuguese in British pay, who and seconder's speeches have been" had been characterised as being equal printed and sold. What, then, I ask, have "to any troops in the world. Here was we to expect from them, unless they first "an army of $4,000 men; but besides give us their distinct pledges, that they "these there were 18,000 said to be in the will support a proposition for a reform of " Portuguese pay; and in addition to all the House of Commons, of that very House" this, there was the Portuguese militia, of Commons, who have approved of all the "amounting to 80,000 men: so that his measures of which they complain as big "Lordship must have at least 180,000 with national ruin? Without such pledges," men in arms, independent of a numerous it would be madness to expect any thing" body of ordenanza. Yet, with all this from them; but, with the pledges, we "immense force at his command, his might expect much. If they give them Lordship had suffered a French General they have the people for their friends and to perpetrate into Portugal, with an supporters; and if they refuse them; if army of 60,000 men; and to maintain they become sulky and fold up their arms, " himself there till he was at length driven there as I said before, they may stand away by famine; and when at length 'till they turn to stone.' To conclude, if the Whig Lords act upon the sentiment of my Motto, they will possess all the power that the Constitution allows them; if they do not, they will possess none.

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WM. COBBETT. State Prison, Newgate, Wednesday, 26th February, 1812.

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driven away by famine. the French Ge"neral retreated 300 miles without mate"rial loss of any description. When he "looked at all this, he could not see any

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ground for the exulting manner in which "the exploits of Lord Wellington had "been celebrated." Then he said,

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that, in order to form a just estimate of the "before the Committee." campaign, we must inquire what had been blazon, as applied to the deeds of Suchet, was the extent of the enemy's successes; be- found in some of the reports, and by Sir cause, if it appeared, that, while we were Francis's reply, this appears to have been gaining in one quarter, we were losing in the case. He had only contrasted as another, the loss must be put against the "matters of fact the exploits of Lord Welgain, unless it was our object to go on in a lington with what had been done by the course of self-delusion, and thus treasure "French General, who in the course of up for ourselves grievous and heart-break-" one campaign had sent 47,000 prisoners ing disappointment in the end, than" to France, and had taken Tarragona, Sawhich nothing could be more dangerous" guntum, and Valencia: and even though to a people in our present situation. Upon "Suchet was the enemy of this country, he this point he is reported to have observed," must be allowed to admire the great that, "while he heard with exultation of " military talents which he had displayed. "the bravery displayed by our own" During the same period, we had inttle "troops, he could not forget, that, during " else to set off against such signal suc"this last campaign, SUCHET had sent to "cesses but the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo, "France 47,000 prisoners, including Blake" a town that might be taken three or " and many of the principal Spanish Offi- "four times in the course of a campaign, "cers."He afterwards expressed his " and produce very little effect on the doubts as to the utility of the capture of" fate of the war. The Right Honourable Rodrigo: and, at any rate, he insisted," Gentleman had totally misrepresented that, even supposing it proper to give this" him, when he thought fit to hold him up pension to Lord Wellington, it ought not "as a BLAZONER of the merit of the to come as an additional burthen upon the "French General, and the DEPRESSOR people, while the government had such "of that of the English one: and the atample means of rewarding merit out of" tempt of the Right Honourable Gentlefunds flowing from other sources; and es- "man to place him in such a light was pecially at a time like this," when the" completely unjustifiable."The venal "people were driven to extremities by "hunger and despair."These are amongst the reasons, which he gave in opposition to the grant.. -He was answered by MR. CANNING, who is reported to have begun by expressing his surprise at the opposition. He denied, that the distresses of particular classes of the people ought to operate as an objection to the grant; and said, that services such as those of Lord Wellington ought not to be paid out of the funds to which Sir Francis had alluded. He next observed, that "the Honourable "Baronet had told them, that the military "merits of Suchet were greater than those "of Lord Wellington, and more calculated "to excite the admiration of mankind; "but the merits of that French officer, "whatever they might be, were not the "subject of the present vote; and he was "not aware of its being the Honourable "Baronet's intention to propose any "amendment to the present motion, which "should have the effect of substituting "the name of Marshal Suchet instead of "Lord Wellington. (A laugh, and cries of "hear, hear !) Even in that case, however, "he entertained little doubt that the "merits of Suchet would be impartially "discussed; but the claims of Lord Wel "lington were the subject now properly

news-papers, however, have improved
upon this, and have called Sir Francis's
speech infamous," because it embraced
the contrast. But, to what a pass are we
come, if we cannot hear truths stated? If
our cheeks turn pale at the mention of
the deeds of our enemy? This was not
formerly the case in England; our fore-
fathers were not afraid to hear the truth
spoken even when it tended to our own dis
advantage. If the facts, as stated by Sir
Francis, had been false; if they had been
exaggerated; if the inference drawn
from them had been unfair, there would
then have been ground for complaint
against him; but, then, he would have
been answered; then the answer to him
would not have consisted of imputations of
being an admirer of the enemy.
are we to judge of the state of the war in
the Peninsula; how are we to judge as to
the probability of final success, unless we
can bear to hear the truth respecting it;
unless we have the courage to hear what
makes against us as well as for us? What
would any one think of a merchant, who,
in an inquiry into the state of his concerns,
should obstinately persist in looking only
at the credit side of his accounts? Should
we not say, either that he was a most
despicably weak man; or, that he was

How

one, that we are indebted to the French papers alone for our knowledge of the truth relative to the capture of Valencia, an achievement of far less glory than the former, but of far greater importance as to the result of the war. Is there a man in England who did not look upon it as an act of great meanness (supposing it to have been committed) to disguise the fact of the battle of Trafalgar from the people of France; and if so, how can we attempt to find fault with any one for endeavouring to prevent the real state of the case with regard to the capture of Valencia from being disguised from the people of England?To endeavour to depress the spirit of a people by false accounts of the successes of their enemies is always reprehensible; but, on the other hand, it is equally reprehensible to endeavour to delude them into false hopes by a series of suppressions of the truth; and, it is, besides, to impute to them tacitly a lamentable want of fortitude and of true courage.

conscious, that, in fact, he was on the verge | of insolvency? The achievements of Suchet are well calculated to excite the admiration of mankind. Who can deny it? But, in saying this, does the speaker lower the English army? Does he attempt to undervalue their prowess, especially when he prefaces his remark with an eulogium upon their valour; valour, which, as he truly says, they never fail to display, when an occasion offers? What absurdity, what ridiculous pusillanimity, to be afraid to hear the successes of the enemy stated? What good can the suppression of such facts do? What end can it answer but that of creating, first, delusion, and then cruel disappointment? If, indeed, the suppression of a knowledge of the enemy's victories would do the country any good; if it would tend to our safety at home, or our success abroad, then there would be a reason for it; but, we know well that it can have no such tendency, and indeed, no other tendency than that of producing delusion and mortification, and, in the end, infinite mischief. The Jews are described, in the Old Testament, as calling upon their prophets thus: "prophesy to "us smooth things; prophesy to us lies." And, what followed? Their overthrow, their degradation, their slavery. If a nation cannot bear the truth, its state is precisely like that of an individual who has a similar antipathy.There are few of my readers, who will not recollect the great pains that have been taken to make us believe, that Buonaparté will not suffer the truth to be made known in France respecting our successes; and, I need not remind them, that this has been often cited as a proof of his tyranny. But, if a man is to be looked upon as exulting in the successes of our enemy, because he merely states the fact of those successes, where, in reality, is the practical differ-"THOUSAND POUNDS A YEAR the ence? Buonaparté (if what our prints say of him in this respect be true) prevents his subjects from speaking of our successes, by his licencers of the press and by his police. We are attempted to be prevented from speaking of his success by the calumnies, the base assaults of a venal press, which, as to most men, are in the present state of things as efficient as any means that an undisguised despotism can possibly use.- -It has been asserted upon innumerable occasions, that the people of France have never heard the truth respecting the battle of Trafalgar; and, is it not evident to every

MR. CANNING is reported to have contrasted the smallness of the proposed grant, with the ample rewards, which had been tendered to Lord Wellington by the Spanish government and by the Prince Regent of Portugal.——" Our allies," he said, "in "the Peninsula had not, however, esti"mated so meanly the services of Lord Wellington. To the title of Conde de "Vimiera, the Prince Regent of Portugal "had added a pension equal to five thou"sand pounds a year; to that of Captain "General of the Spanish armies, a rank " also conferred on his Lordship, pay to "a similar amount was attached; and the "office of Commander in Chief of the

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Portuguese forces entitled his Lordship "to additional emoluments to nearly the "same amount.-There were grounds, "therefore, for stating at FIFTEEN

"emoluments which our Allies considered "Lord Wellington so justly intitled to re"ceive and here, when it was proposed to "add only 2,000l. to the annuity which "his Lordship already received, an Hon. "Bart. holds up his hands, and expresses "his opinion, that it is much too great for

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any services that had been performed. "But there was this other consideration "to be kept in mind; the rewards which "he had already mentioned were offered

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by foreign gratitude; and their accept"ance was declined by Lord Wellington.

(Hear, hear!) That Noble Lord de-* "clared, that it was sufficient for him to

"perform the duty imposed upon him by | "his country that he could not accept "of the rewards that were thus proffered " him by our allies. Was this magnanimity "a reason why the House also should "adopt the opinion of the Hon. Baronet, "and deny all rewards for such services "except those feelings which they must "necessarily excite?" And he afterwards said, that it should never be forgotten, that his lordship had declined accepting any "pecuniary reward from our allies, and had looked to this Country alone to ap"preciate his services.". Now, as to this point, I must first observe, that all our officers have not seen the offers of foreign governments in the same light; and, that LORD NELSON did actually accept, not only of the title of Duke of Bronté, but of a considerable estate attached to it. Therefore, as a point of honour, the refusal of Lord Wellington may admit of some dispute. The other observation that I shall make is this: that the Spanish government has lately been represented as having made a proposition to as for a loan as being necessary even to pay the salaries of the Cortes; and that the Prince Regent of Portugal owes us a sum of money, to pay the interest of which costs the people of this kingdom about forty or fifty thousand pounds a year, paid out of the taxes raised upon them. Under these circumstances every reader, who has a moderate portion of common sense, will be at no loss to judge of the sources, whence the 15,000l. a year would have really been drawn, if the offer had been accepted of--The venal prints have, upon this occasion, as upon that of the Address proposed by Sir Francis Burdett at the opening of the session, done infinite mischief to the cause which they have espoused. They published MR. CANNING's speech, which professed to be an answer to that of Sir Francis, and, was not that enough? Why should they add their foul abuse? They herein discover, that they are uneasy. They say, indeed, that the whole country have reprobated the speech of Sir Francis; but, they at the same time give us convincing proof that they are sure that they are uttering a falshood, because they cannot disguise their anxiety to misrepresent and distort what he said. Men who feel strong in the goodness of the cause they espouse, never resort to these means of hostility against their opponents; they content themselves with fact and argument; but, if they have

neither of these on their side, they must resort to abuse, or they must hold their tongues, the latter of which is quite incompatible with the occupation of a venal writer.--Sir Francis, in the course of his speech, observed, that, in all those parts of Spain, where the French possessed sway, the Inquisition was abolished; and, that, in all those parts, where we possessed it, the Inquisition remained established; whence he inferred that there could not be much hope of our final success, seeing that the people must naturally abhor the Inquisition. And, what answer has this received? From Mr. Canning he received none at all that I can perceive; and, from the prostituted press, he has received only the old answer, abuse, together with the silly observation, that we are fighting "to give "the people back their country," as if the French wanted to take the country from the people; as if Buonaparté were such a fool as to wish to conquer a country for the sake of the mere earth, unaccompanied with its inhabitants!

FOREIGN MERCENARIES.-On the 25th instant, on the presenting of the Army Estimates, in the House of Commons, two subjects of debate arose, the first relating to Foreign Mercenaries; and the second to Colonel M'Mahon's sinecure, the former of which is as much more important than the latter as one thing can well surpass another in importance.The employing of Foreign Mercenaries in our army, and especially in the heart of our own country, must, sooner or later, become an object of serious and general attention. It will, byand-by, force itself forward in a way that will not suffer us to get rid of it, until it shall have been fully discussed and settled. We shall find, in the end, that it is of infinitely more consequence to us than all the battles, by land or by sea; and, that, compared to it, the war on the Peninsula and in Sicily is a mere trifle. This is a matter that touches us closely; that comes home to our doors. In short, it is a question, upon the final decision of which our all depends.-Therefore, I shall here insert the report (as published in the Morning Chronicle) of the whole that was said upon the occasion above referred to, begging the reader to peruse it with attention; because, unless he do that, the remarks, which I have to offer, cannot be clearly understood.

"LORD FOLKESTONE embraced the op"portunity afforded him by the question

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