"Mr. Horner, Sir F. Burdett and Mr. "Curwen rose together, when the Speaker "named the latter.

"MR. CURWEN declared that, during the "whole of the twenty-five years he had "sat in Parliament he had never heard "such a doctrine as that of the Honourable "Gentleman. (Hear, hear!) He had al"ways thought, from all he knew of the "history of the country, that the true "way of supporting its interests in difficult "times was by a strict adherence to the laws. "The character of the House and the wel"fare of the nation had been upheld at "such seasons by inspiring the people with "confidence and spirits, not by banishing "the one and depressing the other. (Hear!) "At former periods the Government of "the country had endeavoured to conci"liate the affections and to elevate the hopes " of the country by an uniform and scrupu"lous attention to its fundamental laws and " institutions. What was it that the Noble "Lord asked for, but that a Bill of In"demnity should, consistent with the prac"tice of the Constitution, be resorted to in "these cases, in order that Parliament "might be left to judge of the wisdom of "the measure. It was this contempt of "public opinion which formed one of the "principal causes of our present calami"ties. The opinion of the House itself "was equally despised by those men who "unhappily continue to have the direction "of affairs. There lay the real danger"these were the seeds of real evil. The strength of the country was in its law, "not in HIRED ARMIES. He could not "see the policy of enlisting prisoners "he could not see the necessity of it, in "the well known condition of our manu"facturers-he could see no argument to "justify it. If he could bring his mind to "believe that such measures originated "with the Prince Regent himself, he "should indeed augur lamentably for the "future interests and prospects of the " people.

"

"MR. MATTHEW MONTAGUE was of "opinion that such opinions as those of "the Honourable Gentleman, could only "influence ignorant persons."

I have inserted what this latter gentleman said, because the time must come when it will be of vital importance to be able to ascertain with precision what every one, who takes part in the discussion of this subject, shall have said.

though silent increase in the numbers of these Mercenaries, and of the recent enlistments from the Prisons into the 10th (or Prince of Wales's own) regiment of Light Dragoons, they were not denied by the Secretary at War; he said that he believed, that the enlistments had taken place; So, that he does not seem to have been at all consulted as to the matter; but, the question is, by whose authority has the law been dispensed with in this case? And, this is a question, which will, it is to be hoped, by-and-by, receive an answer. But, though these recruits came out of a prison; though they were prisoners of war, they were, it seems, not Frenchmen, but Germans! As if this were a circumstance of palliation! There is one more objection to them on this account, than there would be if they were Frenchmen; and that is, that they are of a nation, which our enemy has constantly beaten; for which reason they are not, one would think, the better as soldiers to be opposed to that enemy. Besides, they have, I suppose, taken the oath of allegiance or of fidelity to that enemy; and, in a moral sense, or even a legal sense, where is the difference as to their conduct?

-However, more of this upon some other occasion. The question never can rest here.-What Mr. LAMB said is worthy of particular notice; because it contains the ground of justification usually resorted to, and affords an opportunity of remarking upon the new notions that have arisen upon the subject of employing foreign mercenaries.

What this gentle

man may mean by popular purposes and popular objects it might be difficult to ascertain; but, if he meant, a desire to show the people, that the party acting was not wholly insensible to the rights and liberties of the people, no man that attempts to check any abuse whatever, can hope to escape such an imputation.--He says, that the thing is painted in its worst colours. I can observe no painting at all in my Lord Folkestone's speech. I see the facts plainly stated; the law distinctly declared; but I see no more; and, how this can be called colouring I am at a loss to discover. Indeed, the thing wants no colouring. Its own native colours are the strongest that it can possibly wear. The facts relating to it are quite sufficient; for that Englishman must be worse than kneaded clod, who will not draw the proper inference.. -But, Mr. Lamb tells us that there is "a sweeping and overwhelming

"

necessity for resorting to new and extraordi- | nary measures," and then he cites the example of the French, who, he says, "force all descriptions of men into their service." -In answer to this, we may first observe, that if there be such a sweeping and overwhelming necessity, whose fault is it, but that of those, who persisted in the war against the Republicans of France? And next, of what nature is the necessity? Why, there is a necessity of having a great military force; but, the question is, whether this is the proper way to obtain such a force; whether the force that we obtain in this way be one likely to defend our country in time of need; whether German Officers and soldiers be well calculated for the defence of England against the French; and whether the militias of England, amounting to 300,000 men, would stand in need of such assistance. However, we have, Mr. Lamb says, the example of France. I will, by-and-by, speak of the consistency of referring to that example; but, first, as to THE FACT. In what instance has France set us this example? Did she hire mercenaries to defend her against the coalesced kings of Europe? Is it not, on the contrary, notorious to all the world, that amongst the very first of her acts was the sending away of all the mercenaries whom the Bourbons had in their service, and whom they had long compelled the people of France to pay? It is equally notorious, that these mercenaries were intended to be employed against the National Assembly, before the dethronement of the king; and that it was the regiment of Royal Allemand, or Royal German Regiment, who were stationed to favour the escape of the king to the place where a camp was to be formed on the confines of France for the purpose of collecting and organizing a force against the makers of that very Constitution which the king afterwards signed and swore to maintain.*. -Thus, then,

the example of France, in her hour of peril, does not at all apply. Her conduct was the very reverse of that of employing foreign mercenaries in her defence; she, when attacked by all the powers of Europe, consigned her defence to the arms of her own sons; and, her success is recorded in the discomfiture and fall of her enemies. Therefore, if we are bidden to look to her for an example, we shall, surely, find nothing there to support the notions of Mr. Lamb.But, perhaps, he did not look so far back. He had his eye upon Buonaparté, upon Buonaparté, "who forces all descrip

tions of persons into his service." Now, as to this, we know very well, that he has Italians and Germans and Brabanters and Dutch and Hamburghers in his service. But, the fact is, that these are all his sub- ́ jects; they belong to countries that he has conquered, and which countries are at war with us. We need not stop to inquire into his right to conquer these countries any more than to enquire into our right of conquering the Empire of Java. The fact is undoubted; and, as to the force which he employs to put men of various nations in his ranks, if he be enabled to use such force, it is pretty clear that the countries they belong to are under his sway.The example, however, is still deficient in a most material feature; for, it was not of employing foreign mercenaries abroad, that Lord Folkestone complained. It was of employing them here, in this kingdom. It was of giving the Command of our native troops to foreign officers. It was of putting foreigners into our native regiments. Therefore, until Mr. Lamb be prepared to show, that foreign mercenaries are put into

French regiments; that foreign mercenary officers are set to command French troops; that foreign mercenary officers have staff commands in the departments of France; until he be prepared to show this, I do not think that his argument of example will have any very great weight.

-But, be this as it may, have we not some reason to be surprized, that the example, that any example, of Buonaparté should, by those who think him, or represent him to be a despot and a tyrant, be resorted to in defence of a measure which they approve of in our own country. The reader will not have forgotten that MR. DRAKARD is now in jail for 18 months and is to pay a heavy fine at the expiration of the time, for having written about the treatment of our soldiers; and it will also not be forgotten, that the part of his offence most dwelt upon by his accuser as well as by the judge was his having told his readers how Buonaparté treated his soldiers. Precisely the same was the case as to the crime with which Mr. White was last charged, but of which the jury acquitted him. Yet Mr. Lamb, when complaint is made of something which is said to violate our laws, appeals, in defence of the act, to the example of Buonaparté. Buonaparté employs foreign troops, and, therefore, we may; though, in other cases, it is called seditious to cite his example as worthy of our imitation. —On Mr. Lamb's idea of the Act of Settlement as containing provisions to be adhered to " IN ORDINARY TIMES" I shall make no observation. What MR. CURWEN said upon that point was quite sufficient; and, here, I cannot help asking Mr. Curwen, that, if he was so much shocked as he appears to have been at the doctrine that he was combatting, who had he to blame for the broaching of that doctrine? It was new and extraordinary to be sure; but, has not the conduct of the gentlemen of England been full as extraordinary? Mr. Lamb only defended that which they had tacitly seen done; that of which they had never complained. They have seen great numbers of foreign mercenaries introduced and organized; they have seen foreign officers with Staff Commands in several of the Counties of England; they knew well of the existence of the Act of Settlement; and, if they, for so long a time, kept their silence upon the subject, why should Mr. Curwen be surprised to hear the measure openly defended?.

If he says, that it is now become time to keep

silence no longer, that is an answer; the best answer that can be given.

WM. COBBETT.

State Prison, Newgate, Friday, 29th February, 1812.

Yesterday was published,

FIFTEENTH EDITION,

SIR FRANCIS BURDETT's ADDRESS to the PRINCE REGENT; as proposed in the House of Commons, at the opening of the Session, on the 7th of January 1812. To which is prefixed his SPEECH on that occasion; with that of Lord COCHRANE, who seconded the Motion.The Patriotic conduct of the two worthy, Representatives of the City of West minster, on the 7th of Jan. ought to be made known; it has, therefore, been dedetermined to give the Report as large a circulation as possible, at a small expence, that it may be duly appreciated by every man in the United Kingdom.-Printed and published by J. Morton, at the Sunday Review Office, 272, Strand, Price 3d.

The l'ublisher of this Address begs leave to state to the Public, that upwards of TWENTY-EIGHT THOUSAND Copies have been printed and sold-a convincing proof of the estimation in which the People of the United Kingdom hold the patriotic sentiments it contains.-The FIETEENTH EDITION was published yes. terday, making in the whole THIRTY THOUSAND Copies, a number unprecedented in any publication of a similar nature.

OFFICIAL PAPERS. PORTUGAL.-THE WAR.-London Gazette Extraordinary.-Downing Street, De cember 1, 1811.

(Continued from p. 256.)

He preferred

the latter, and ascending near the eastern extremity of the ascent, and, which might have been deemed inaccessible, was followed closely by the 28th and 34th regiments; whilst the 39th regiment, and Colonel Ashworth's Portuguese Infantry, followed round the foot of the mountain by the Truxillo road, to take him again in flank. At the same time, Brigadier-Gen. Morillo's Infantry ascended at some distance to the left with the same view.-As may be imagined, the enemy's troops were by this time in the utmost panic; his cavalry was flying in every direction, the infantry threw away their arms, and