It fails to provide an adequate basis for freedom of navigation on the Danube. In this failure it negates the provision of the peace treaties with Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania, and also fails to carry out the decision of the Council of Foreign Ministers of December 6, 1946. Moreover, the Convention omits any provision for nonriparian representation in a Danube Commission. It seeks to deprive the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Belgium, and Greece, without their consent, of treaty rights established by international agreement in 1921 and disregards the legitimate interests of nonriparian states. The rejection by the majority at the Belgrade Conference of any relationship between the Danube Commission and the United Nations indicates an intention to seal off the Danubian area from normal intercourse with the rest of the world to the area's own direct disadvantage.

Although the Convention professes to devise a regime of navigation in the interest of all riparian states, Austria is at present denied representation on the so-called Danube Commission and no provision whatsoever is made with respect to German participation.

The Belgrade Convention, when coupled with the device of Sovietcontrolled joint companies which acquired long-term exclusive control of facilities essential to the conduct of Danube commerce, is clearly designed to enable the Soviet Union to maintain a monopoly of Danubian commerce.

For these reasons, the Government of the United States does not recognize the jurisdiction of the Danube Commission, established under the Belgrade Convention, over any part of the Danube River. The Government of the United States looks forward to the time when the states interested in the Danube as an international waterway, acting as free agents and true representatives of their people, agree upon a new Convention which effectively promotes nondiscriminatory constructive utilization of the Danube. Until then the Government of the United States considers the Definitive Statute of the Danube, signed in Paris July 23, 1921, to be in force for the entire Danube River.

In view of the importance of the Danube River to European economic and social development, and the United Nations expressed interest in the Belgrade Conference, a copy of this note is being forwarded to the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

IRAN

160. AMERICAN POSITION IN IRAN

Remarks by George V. Allen, American Ambassador to Iran, February 4, 1948 1

I am particularly appreciative of the courtesy extended to me this evening by the distinguished members of the Iranian press. A free press is indispensable for the maintenance of democracy, since every totalitarian regime that I know anything about began by suppressing the opposition.

1 Delivered before the Tehran Press Club in Tehran on February 4 and released to the press in Washington on February 5, 1948. Department of State Bulletin of February 15, 1948, p. 223.

I had hoped to be able in this last meeting with you to confine my remarks to the subject of your great profession and to the field of cultural and educational exchange in which I shall be engaged upon my return to Washington. However the information carried during the past two days in the Iranian press concerning a communication which the Iranian Government has received alleging improper activities on the part of American advisers in Iran makes it impossible for me to remain silent on this subject.

This communication as reported in the press seems an obvious attempt to exert influence on a matter now before the Iranian Majlis. Even if the allegations in the note were true, its delivery at this moment would constitute improper interference in the internal affairs of Iran and therefore be contrary to the dignity and independence of Iran as an equal member of the United Nations. But what makes the communication more objectionable in my view is that it includes not only misstatements of fact from start to finish but closes with an implied threat.

First and foremost, I wish to make entirely clear once more the attitude of the American Government with regard to American advisers here. We have frequently informed the Iranian Government during the past two years that American advisers in Iran will not remain here one minute longer than the Iranian Government feels they are able to perform a useful function in assisting Iran. The Iranian Government will experience no difficulty whatever in terminating the services of every one of the American advisers whenever they are no longer desired. The contracts providing for the two American military missions here are each cancelable on one month's notice by either party. The decision rests entirely in the hands of Iran.

I should also like to make our position unmistakably clear with regard to the proposed purchase of military supplies from the United States. The United States has no desire whatever to influence Iran concerning the manner in which it will spend its available funds. The funds are yours, and you must determine how you wish to allot them-whether for military supplies, farm machinery, schoolbooks, or anything else you need.

We are interested in two things. In the first place, we hope that Iran will spend what funds it has to the best possible advantage for Iran itself, because we are anxious for Iran to become strong and to remain independent. Our second and more important interest is that Iran should remain entirely free to make its own choice in this matter, unhampered by threats and menaces.

I recognize fully that an entirely honest division of opinion may exist among Iranians both as regards what military supplies you need and whether you desire American advisers. Whatever your decision may be, it will not affect in any way the friendly relations between Iran and the United States.

The communication which your Government has just received disturbs the calm atmosphere in which you will need to consider these important questions. I am confident that no self-respecting and patriotic Iranian will be deterred by this communication from doing his duty as he considers best. The allegations in the note are so clearly false that they do not require consideration in detail. I would merely

ask: where are the plans for an American airport at Qum, where are the American storage tanks in southern Iran, the barracks being prepared for American troops, or any other of the things alleged in the note?

I am reminded in this connection that history repeats itself. There is considerable essential similarity between the present communication which your Government has received and one which was delivered to you in 1912 when Morgan Shuster was exerting every effort to assist Iran to become strong and independent of foreign domination. Fortunately, however, the world situation is vastly different today from what it was in 1912. Iran and all other independent countries of the world today are bound together in a world organization based on equality and respect for their sovereign independence. The entire structure of the United Nations is built on the principle that no nation shall any longer have to stand alone as Iran did when it received the

1912 note.

I regret sincerely the injection of foreign interference in the question now before the Majlis, and I hope the deputies will consider the matter with appropriate calmness and dignity. The only important consideration is that the decision, whatever it may be, should be a free Iranian decision.

PALESTINE (ISRAEL)

161. ATTITUDE OF AMERICAN GOVERNMENT TOWARD PALESTINE 1

1

Letter From President Roosevelt to King Ibn Saud, April 5, 1945

GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND:

I have received the communication which Your Majesty sent me under date of March 10, 1945, in which you refer to the question of Palestine and to the continuing interest of the Arabs in current developments affecting that country.

I am gratified that Your Majesty took this occasion to bring your views on this question to my attention and I have given the most careful attention to the statements which you make in your letter. I am also mindful of the memorable conversation which we had not so long ago and in the course of which I had an opportunity to obtain so vivid an impression of Your Majesty's sentiments on this question.

Your Majesty will recall that on previous occasions I communicated to you the attitude of the American Government toward Palestine and made clear our desire that no decision be taken with respect to the basic situation in that country without full consultation with both Arabs and Jews. Your Majesty will also doubtless recall that during our recent conversation I assured you that I would take no action, in my capacity as Chief of the Executive Branch of this Government, which might prove hostile to the Arab people.

It gives me pleasure to renew to Your Majesty the assurances which you have previously received regarding the attitude of my Govern

1 Department of State Bulletin of October 21, 1945, p. 623.

ment and my own, as Chief Executive, with regard to the question of Palestine and to inform you that the policy of this Government in this respect is unchanged.

I desire also at this time to send you my best wishes for Your Majesty's continued good health and for the welfare of your people. Your Good Friend,

His Majesty

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT

ABDUL AZIZ IBN ABDUR RAHMAN AL FAISAL AL SAUD
King of Saudi Arabia

Riyadh

162. REPORT OF THE ANGLO-AMERICAN COMMITTEE OF

INQUIRY1

Excerpts From the Report, April 20, 1946

PREFACE

We were appointed by the Governments of the United States and of the United Kingdom, as a joint body of American and British membership, with the following Terms of Reference:

1. To examine political, economic and social conditions in Palestine as they bear upon the problem of Jewish immigration and settlement therein and the well-being of the peoples now living therein.

2. To examine the position of the Jews in those countries in Europe where they have been the victims of Nazi and Fascist persecution, and the practical measures taken or contemplated to be taken in those countries to enable them to live free from discrimination and oppression and to make estimates of those who wish or will be impelled by their conditions to migrate to Palestine or other countries outside Europe.

3. To hear the views of competent witnesses and to consult representative Arabs and Jews on the problems of Palestine as such problems are affected by conditions subject to examination under paragraphs 1 and 2 above and by other relevant facts and circumstances, and to make recommendations to His Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States for ad interim handling of these problems as well as for their permanent solution.

4. To make such other recommendations to His Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States as may be necessary to meet the immediate needs arising from conditions subject to examination under paragraph 2 above, by remedial action in the European countries in question or by the provision of facilities for emigration to and settlement in countries outside Europe.

Department of State Bulletin of May 12, 1946, pp. 783-787. See also Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry: Report to the United States Government and His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom; Lausanne, Switzerland, April 20, 1946, Department of State publication 2536, Near Eastern Series 2. The text of the report and the President's statement were released to the press by the White House on April 30, 1946.

The report, as submitted to the Governments of the United States and the United Kingdom, was signed at Lausanne, Switzerland, on April 20, 1946. The following signatures were attached to the report: Joseph C. Hutcheson, American Chairman; John E. Singleton, British Chairman; Frank Aydelotte (U. S.), Frank W. Buxton (U. S.), W. F. Crick (U. K.), R. H. S. Crossman (U. K.), Bartley C. Crum (U. S.), Frederick Leggett (U. K.), R. E. Manningham-Buller (U. K.), James G. McDonald (U. S.), Morrison (U. K.), William Phillips (U.S.), Leslie L. Rood, American Secretary, Evan M. Wilson, American Secretary, H. G. Vincent, British Secretary, and H. Beeley, British Secretary.

The Governments urged upon us the need for the utmost expedition in dealing with the subjects committed to us for investigation, and requested to be furnished with our Report within one hundred and twenty days of the inception of our Inquiry.

We assembled in Washington on Friday, 4th January, 1946 and began our public sessions on the following Monday. We sailed from the United States on 18th January and resumed our public sessions in London on 25th January. We left for Europe on 4th and 5th February, and, working in Subcommittees, proceeded to our investigations in Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Austria, Italy and Greece. On 28th February we flew to Cairo and, after sessions there, reached Jerusalem on 6th March. In Palestine, our sessions were interspersed with personal visits to different parts of the country, during which we sought to acquaint ourselves at first hand with its various characteristics and the ways of life of its inhabitants. Subcommittees visited the capitals of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi-Arabia and Trans-Jordan to hear the views of the Arab Governments and representatives of bodies concerned with the subjects before us. We left Palestine on 28th March and have concluded our deliberations in Switzerland. The detailed itinerary 'is shown in Appendix I. We now submit the following Report.

Recommendation No. 1. We have to report that such information as we received about countries other than Palestine gave no hope of substantial assistance in finding homes for Jews wishing or impelled to leave Europe.

But Palestine alone cannot meet the emigration needs of the Jewish victims of Nazi and Fascist persecution; the whole world shares responsibility for them and indeed for the resettlement of all "displaced persons".

We therefore recommend that our Governments together, and in association with other countries, should endeavor immediately to find new homes for all such "displaced persons", irrespective of creed or nationality, whose ties with their former communities have been irreparably broken.

Though emigration will solve the problems of some victims of persecution, the overwhelming majority, including a considerable number of Jews, will continue to live in Europe. We recommend therefore that our Governments endeavor to secure that immediate effect is given to the provision of the United Nations Charter calling for "universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion".

Refugee Immigration Into Palestine.

Recommendation No. 2. We recommend (a) that 100,000 certificates be authorized immediately for the admission into Palestine of

1 In the report each of these recommendations is followed by comments.