were, to a certain extent, marred by the deep feeling of regret that, to the long list of heroes who have fallen in their country's cause, we had to add the name of that illustrious man who unhappily died in the hour of victory, and died, too, without the gratification of knowing the honours which a grateful country had conferred upon him. (Hear, hear!') When the news of this painful event arrived, there was not a heart in England that did not feel it to be a subject for private as well as public mourning. My Lords, while we speak of him and of the many that have fallen, let me speak of the many that remain; and I think it is but due to them and to ourselves that we should take the earliest opportunity of expressing our deep sense of the great exertions, the signal valour, the happy mixture of exemplary prudence and distinguished talent, and the military skill which have characterized the victories of the gallant Sir Colin Campbell. (Cheers.) My Lords, it is not too much to say that he has vindicated, if, indeed, he has not raised, the high reputation which he had previously earned. But, my Lords, I pray you to look even now, in the midst of our partial successes, at the position in which we are still struggling in India. Don't flatter yourselves that you have succeeded in putting down the revolt. You have achieved great successes; but you have still before you a task of unparalleled magnitude, and most inadequate means with which to accomplish it. At this moment I do not believe Sir Colin Campbell, for any one distinct operation, could muster 10,000 men in arms; and I

am morally certain that nearly double the force now in India would not be too much to enable us to re-establish our empire there, and to restore peace. Now, I say, with inadequate means, even numerically, you have to accomplish this task; but I must call your Lordships' attention to the manner in which this number is maintained in India. I have heard more than one officer state it as his distinct opinion, that the successes which we have achieved in India would have been doubled, trebled, and even quadrupled, if we had had, at a sufficiently early period, an adequate amount of cavalry to make good the advantages we have from time to time gained. On every occasion on which we have fought against unheard-of majorities of the enemy and gained victories, we have had no cavalry to pursue the fugitives. Again, we receive reports of the capture by our troops of more guns than the enemy were said to have with them in the first instance. This question of cavalry and horses for the artillery was constantly pressed on the attention of the Government by my noble friend on my right (the Earl of Ellenborough). Now, what have been sent out? You have sent out a considerable number of guns, but you have not sent out welltrained gunners, for you had them not; nor have you sent out horses or harness, and the consequence is that your guns are utterly and entirely useless. I well recollect my noble friend (the Earl of Ellenborough), when Her Majesty's Government announced their intention of sending out artillery, pressing the question, whether their horses

were to be sent with them, but no answer was given to that inquiry; and I have been told that to such straits are you reduced in India for the want of horses, that a number of three-year old mares have been taken into the service from the breeding stud of the Company. Again, I would beg the earliest attention of your Lordships to the necessity of keeping up a continual stream of reinforcement of the small army now in India. Now, even to maintain that army on its present footing would require 1500 men a month, or 18,000 a year. I do not believe you are raising recruits at that rate, and the men you are sending out are raw recruits, mere boys, upon whom disease will commit frightful havoc when they first land in India. Now, I do earnestly entreat the Government to take this question into their consideration, to strip this country of all the available force it possesses, and to intrust its own defence at home to its militia, the whole of which they have been repeatedly entreated and implored to embody." (Cheers.)

The noble Lord next adverted, in terms of forcible reprobation, to what he described as the "miserable war" with China. He said, "I confess that I look upon that war with more apprehension than even I do on the state of India, because I do not see the end to which we are driving, or, indeed, any end that can by possibility be attained. Here we are in the midst of two wars, for neither of which had we made the slightest preparation, one of which took us absolutely by surprise, and the other has been brought on by the intolerable absurdity

of our own Government (Hear, hear!'), and yet we are wasting ing our forces in two distant parts of the globe, while in neither have we a sufficient force to carry into effect our avowed intentions. We were told that in China Lord Elgin was going to Pekin to negotiate direct with the Emperor, supported by an armed force; but it now appears that that idea has been abandoned, and it was intended with our small force to attack the vast and populous city of Canton. I think it very likely that attack will succeed, and that we may destroy the city; but when we have done that, we shall not be one whit nearer to the attainment of any of our objects in China. Indeed, we shall be further off, for if we take possession of Canton, we must hold it, and to hold it, even if we have no ulterior objects, we shall have to provide an amount of force which we can very ill spare. By taking Canton, we shall not have advanced towards the settlement of the Chinese dispute, but our destruction of a great and populous city may create a reaction against us, and excite feelings which may lead to our expulsion from the other ports of China. on this miserable war, we have been obliged to withhold the means of successfully operating in India, and to cripple the home defences of the country. There was also another subject," continued Lord Derby, "on which the Government might have been expected to say something, and that was the late attempt on the life of the Emperor of the French,-an event which had produced a very strong feeling in France against this country.

And to carry

If there was anything which excited the indignation of an Englishman it was assassination, and if anything could increase that feeling it would be assassination plotted against the life of so valuable an ally; but it must be remembered that these conspirators, or, at any rate, the chief of them, so long as he remained in England, was perfectly peaceable and inoffensive, and gave no cause for suspicion; and, in fact, those who had really been guilty of neglect in this matter were the police and passport authorities in France, who had allowed so dangerous a character to penetrate to the capital with utter impunity. As a general rule, however, and considering all the circumstances of the case, there could be no doubt that the Government of this country was bound to keep its eye on such dangerous members of society as these foreign conspirators, and to warn foreign Governments of any plot against the life of a sovereign which might be brought under its notice. This might be done without violating the sacred right of asylum, and if that were done, the French nation would have no right to demand that men, of whatever nation they might be, should be arrested and punished on mere suspicion, and not on positive proof." The noble Lord concluded by saying that he should be glad to hear the opinion of Her Majesty's Ministers, whether the existing laws of this country were adequate to afford security for the lives of foreign princes against plots in this country; and, if not, whether they might not be so amended as to meet the case of crimes such as had recently been attempted, which were so heinous

and revolting to every feeling of humanity.

Lord Granville thought it would have been contrary to all precedent if the Government had made such a general statement as Lord Derby seemed to expect. Monetary matters had surely been sufficiently discussed before Christmas. Lord Panmure had given notice of a vote of thanks to the army in India for Monday next; and, as for the conduct of affairs in India, it was impossible to imagine, before hearing them, the accusations against the Government which the House had just heard. When the time came, Lord Panmure would, no doubt, prove that we had not been remiss in sending troops to India, and that things were not in so bad a state with regard to reinforcements as Lord Derby supposed. With regard to the China war, which, it must be remembered, had been deliberately and triumphantly sanctioned by the nation, he denied that it was a failure, or that it had hampered our Indian operations. As to the attempt on the life of the Emperor of the French, no one could regret more than the Government the publication of the intemperate addresses to which reference had been made; but it would be quite unworthy of a great nation like this to allow any temporary and mistaken excitement on the part of the French nation to prevent it from adopting a right course. Nothing would induce the Government to give up the right of refuge to outcast foreigners, or to abridge their liberty, so long as they obeyed the law. At the same time, it was the duty of the Government, when so hei