nous an act had been perpetrated, to the universal execration of all right-thinking men, to examine the law, and see if it contained any defects which might be amended. Such an examination had been made, and a measure based on it would be brought in next week in the Lower House. Though the attack of Lord Derby was a little gratuitous, he felt indebted to him for having made at the same time so eloquent an exposition of principles, which would show that we knew how to maintain our privileges, and yet to testify our abhorrence of the foul crime of assassination.

After some observations from Lord Malmesbury,

Lord Panmure explained that the troops which had been despatched to India had been sent with all possible expedition, and in a state of the highest efficiency. With regard to horses, it was impossible to send them from this country in sufficient numbers. As for the reinforcements, they were sent forward at the rate of 1000 a-month, and that number might be considerably increased. With regard to colonial regiments, steps were being taken to raise a regiment in Canada, chiefly officered by Canadians, to be called the 100th Regiment of the Line.

After some observations from Lord Grey, who protested against the embodiment of the Militia and the policy of the China war, some important observations were made by Lords Brougham and Campbell upon the state of the law of England in regard to conspiracies against the lives of foreign princes.

Lord Brougham said he was orry to hear from his noble

friend that there were refugees in this country who combined and conspired together in a way that had a tendency to encourage attempts on the life of foreign princes. He believed that the law was sufficient to put a stop to any such proceedings; but if it was not sufficient to prevent such cabals, then the law. ought to be amended. He begged to repeat, however, that there was no doubt that if any persons met together either in public or private meetings, or employed publications and set forth doctrines that led, not merely to a general and abstract defence of murder and assassination, but to the most mischievous act of attempting that assassination, then the parties so offending were liable to prosecution, and, if convicted, to punishment. Without the commission of any overt act such persons might be punished.

Lord Campbell said that there was no question that a conspiracy by aliens in this country to assassinate a foreign sovereign was a grave misdemeanor, liable to severe punishment. On the other hand, aliens, so long as they remained in this country and obeyed the law, were to be regarded as standing on the same footing as natural-born subjects of Her Majesty, and could never be given up without a violation of the sacred right of asylum.

After some observations from the Earl of Hardwicke, who deplored the lamentable insufficiency of the national defences, the discussion terminated.

In the House of Commons on the same evening, Lord Palmerston gave notice of his intention to bring in a Bill to amend the

laws of conspiracy to commit murder. This announcement of a measure, pregnant with very important consequences to the noble Lord's administration, was received with partial cheers. No other discussion of importance took place.

On the following evening, addresses of congratulation to Her Majesty on the marriage that had just been celebrated between the Princess Royal and the Prince of Prussia were moved in both Houses, and carried unanimously.

Lord Palmerston'said: "I rise to perform a duty which is no less gratifying to me than I am persuaded it will be agreeable to this House, to move that this House should address Her Majesty to congratulate her upon the recent marriage of the Princess Royal with Prince Frederick William of Prussia. There has been no event, I think, since the marriage of Her Majesty herself which has so much enlisted the feelings and so much excited the interest of the whole British nation. (Cheers.) There could be no stronger proof of this than the immense multitude which a few days ago assembled in the streets of the metropolis amidst all the inclemency of a winter's day-the snow falling and a piercing wind blowing-to bid a last farewell to her Royal Highness on quitting the shores of her native country. It was, indeed, natural that the people of this country should feel an interest in everything which related to the Princess Royal. She was the first-born of that marriage which excited so much interest in the nation; and although the events of her child

hood and early years are in general not much known to the world at large, yet the nation has by some means or other known and watched the progressive development of the amiable qualities of her Royal Highness. It has known how warm affections have been matured by increasing years, and it has seen how an admirable education has formed and cultivated her mind. It is often the fate of princes and princesses that their marriages are merely marriages of political convenience. They are put together at the altar, having known of each other nothing more than what vague and distant report has conveyed to them of their mutual intellectual qualities and character, having seen of each other nothing more than some faint resemblance conveyed in a painted miniature. The royal pair of whom I am now speaking have been more fortunate. They indeed have belonged to that class whom, it is said,

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-gentle stars unite, and in one fate Their hearts, their fortunes, and their feelings blend.'

They have had the advantage of knowing each other for a considerable period. They have had the means of estimating mutually the high qualities which adorn them both. That knowledge of each other's character, and the esteem which has been grounded upon that knowledge, will be, I trust, the surest foundation for their future happiness, and the best security for the domestic enjoyments with which I am sure every one must wish they may be blessed. A marriage such as that which the Princess Royal has con

tracted must realise the fondest wishes of an affectionate mother; and there is this also in the circumstances of her marriage, that although the Princess Royal is probably destined hereafter to fill a brilliant and distinguished position, yet for the present at least there is nothing in her high station which may prevent frequent visits to this country, or interfere with those domestic meetings so dear to all families. I feel I should be doing injustice to the sentiments of the House if I were to think that any arguments or reasoning of mine were necessary to lead them to an unanimous vote, and I shall simply move, without further preface,

"That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty to congratulate Her Majesty on the happy nuptials of her Royal Highness the Princess Royal with his Royal Highness Prince Frederick William of Prussia; to assure Her Majesty of the satisfaction which this House feels at an event so gratifying to Her Majesty, and which they trust will be so conducive to the domestic happiness of her Royal Highness.'

I will mention that when this Address is agreed to I shall move that it be presented to Her Majesty by the whole House, being satisfied that that mode of presentation will be as gratifying to the Members of this House as, I am authorized to state, it will be to Her Majesty. (Cheers.)

Mr. Disraeli: "I am sure, sir, that Her Majesty's faithful Commons never agreed to an Address with more complete cordiality than the present. (Cheers.) In my opinion, sir, nothing was

more remarkable and more interesting in the recent universal feeling respecting this royal marriage than the domestic sentiment which pervaded a great and powerful nation. This feeling is the purest and the most profound source of social happiness and national greatness. This feeling was thus elicited, because there was a conviction in the country that this alliance was, as the noble Lord intimated, not occasioned by political interests, but rather brought about by nature and affection; because the people seized the happy opportunity of expressing what they had long felt, that the royal parents of our Princess, beneath their illustrious roof, had ever appreciated the feelings of the hearth as much as the splendours of the throne. The Princess who has left us enters her career with a combination of all those accidents which insure the happiness of life. She bears with her to her new home the good wishes of the Parliament and people of England; and, sir, I will express my belief that when, in due season, she has acceded to that brilliant position to which the noble Lord has referred, all Englishmen will be as proud of the Queen of Prussia as they are of the Queen of England." (Cheers.)

The Address was then agreed to nem. con., and ordered to be presented.

The administration of affairs in India was the great subject which. was expected to occupy the attention of Parliament during the present Session. The question of Parliamentary Reform, which the Administration of Lord Palmerston had declared themselves

prepared to deal with, was avowedly postponed, in order that no other subject of equal magnitude might interfere with the full consideration of those measures for the re-settlement and better government of India, which the present emergency so loudly called for; and the general anticipation was, that little else but Indian affairs would engage the attention of Parliament during the present year. The first proceeding of Government in this direction was a motion made by the President of the Board of Control, Mr. Vernon Smith, for leave to bring in a Bill for enabling the East India Company to raise money in the United Kingdom for the service of the Government of India. He explained the reasons which called for the measure, in order to provide the means of meeting the extraordinary expenses occasioned by the mutiny in India, stating that he proposed to limit the amount to 10,000,000l., and to authorize the receipt of subscriptions in this country to loans in India.

Mr. T. Baring inquired to whom the power of raising the money was to be given. What was the Government of India? The East India Company was supposed to be a dying body; who, then, was to have the control over the money? The House ought to understand who was to raise the money, and who were to spend it. If the Government of India were to be vested in the Crown, India should have the benefit of the credit of this country.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, it was not disputed that there was a real necessity for

the existing Government of India in this country to raise money here by loan; and this Bill proposed to enable it to do so by removing the legal restriction upon the borrowing powers of the East India Company so long as the existing state of things remained unaltered. If Parliament should make any change in the constitution of the home Government of India, it would be its duty to provide for the exercise of the borrowing powers given by the Bill. With regard to the proposition that the exigences of the Indian Treasury should be aided by the national credit, he could not admit the principle, that (except for extraordinary purposes) it would be expedient or just to call the credit of the English Exchequer in aid of the finances of India.

Mr. Disraeli observed, that it was an important consideration for those who would lend this money to know what was the security. If it was only the revenue of India, the first question for them must be, by whom and by what means that revenue was to be raised.

Mr. Cardwell said, there could be no doubt that the Government of India were in need of money; but it was of great importance that the House should distinctly understand what were the future liabilities of the Consolidated Fund in regard to the finances of India. As he understood, in the changes that were to take place, those finances would rest upon the basis upon which they now rested-namely, the Indian re

venue.

Mr. Henley was glad to hear that the Chancellor of the Exchequer objected to pledge the English Exchequer for an Indian

loan. If such a system once began it would be perpetuated. After a few observations from Mr. Mangles,

Sir F. Baring thought the amount too large. He considered that, as the nation must be ultitimately responsible for any failure in the Indian finances, if a loan for India could be raised at a less rate by a guarantee, it would be as much for the interest of England as of India to give such guarantee.

Sir H. Willoughby recommended caution in dealing with the finances of India, and doubted whether the Bill would not very much affect the security of the proprietors of India Stock.

Mr. Seymour observed, that the interests of the proprietors of India Stock were amply secured. Mr. V. Smith having made a brief reply, leave was given to bring in the Bill.

Upon the Bill going into Committee, on the 11th of February, Sir H. Willoughby pressed for some explanation respecting the condition of the Indian revenue, which, he contended, could not stand additional charges, or be materially increased; how the interest of the loan was to be met, and whether the English Exchequer was secured against being called upon to pay any part of the debt.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that the Bill merely enabled the East India Company to raise money, either by debentures or by bonds; that it involved

no

new principle, and it was doubtful whether the Company now needed any Parliamentary authority for this purpose. He stated the estimated deficit of the Indian Exchequer at the end of

the financial year 1858-9 at 7,500,000l., and that the Company had exhausted their powers of borrowing in the Indian moneymarket. He then proceeded to argue from the gross amount of the Indian revenue, the amount of the Indian and home debt, and the charge upon the revenue, that there was no reason to doubt that when the revolt was quelled, and the country had been restored to its ordinary state, the Indian Government would be able to defray all the expenses of its own government. There was nothing in this measure, he said, to bring any prospective charge upon the British Exchequer.

The clauses of the Bill were agreed to after much discussion, the amount of the loan being limited to 8,000,0007.

The Bill having been taken up by the New Ministry, afterwards passed through the House of Lords without amendment.

One of the earliest proceedings in the Session, was the motion made in both Houses of Parliament for a vote of thanks to the Governor General and the civil officers of India, to the Commander-in-Chief and the military bodies, to the troops and sailors, and to persons not holding military rank, for the energy and ability displayed by them in the suppression of the mutiny in India.

The mover of the resolution in the House of Lords was Lord Panmure, the Secretary of State for War. His speech consisted of an enumeration of the services of, first, the officers under whose administration operations have been carried on,-Lord Canning, Lord Harris, Lord Elphinstone, Sir John Lawrence, Mr. Frere;