late atrocious and cowardly attempt upon the life of His Imperial Majesty, and under the impression that the laws of England were insufficient to protect His Imperial Majesty against a repetition of such attempts upon the part of foreign refugees resident in Great Britain, had no other intention than that of pointing out to Her Majesty's Government what appeared to be a source of danger to France, and inviting their attention to the supposed defect.

If such has been from the first the hope of Her Majesty's Government, that hope has been completely realized by the full and frank assurances which Count Walewski has spontaneously given, as reported in your despatch of the 23rd of February, of his astonishment and regret at the interpretation put upon certain phrases in his despatch to Count Persigny of the 20th of January: "astonishment that his meaning could have been misunderstood, and regret that he should be believed, with his knowledge of England, capable of applying, as a generality, an imputation which the context of his despatch ought, he thinks, to have proved could only have been intended for a definite class of strangers."

Though Her Majesty's Government have, from the first, entertained the belief that an erroneous construction had been put on Count Walewski's despatch, they receive with the highest satisfaction the voluntary repudiation, so honourable to his Excellency, of the meaning which he believes to have been attributed to him; and in the same spirit of candour, they desire to call his attention

those expressions which really

have produced an unfavourable impression on the public opinion of this country.

Your Lordship will therefore remark to Count Walewski, that his Excellency, in stating that the attempt which has just providentially failed, "like others which have preceded it, was devised in England,"-in speaking with reference to the "adeptes de la démagogie" established in England,-of "assassination elevated to doctrine, preached openly, practised in repeated attempts,"-and in asking "whether the right of asylum should protect such a state of things, or contribute to favour their designs and their plans"-has not unnaturally been understood to imply imputations, not only that the offences enumerated are not recognised as such by the English law, and may be committed with impunity, but that the spirit of English legislation is such as designedly to shelter and screen the offender from punishment.

Her Majesty's Government are persuaded that had Count Walewski known, when his Excellency held with your Lordship the conversation to which I have adverted above, that such construction was put upon certain portions of his despatch of January 20, he would have had no difficulty in adding to the assurance then given the further assurance that nothing could have been farther from his intention than to convey an imputation injurious alike to the morality and the honour of the British nation. All the offences which his Excellency enumerates, on being proved to the satisfaction of a jury, subject the person convicted to the infliction of penalties more or less severe; and if cases

have been brought to the notice of the Government of His Imperial Majesty, which may appear to have been overlooked by Her Majesty's Government, it is not to be doubted but that the advisers of Her Majesty, in abstaining to prosecute, have been influenced by motives of discretion quite consistent with an earnest desire to repress such offences.

Subsequently, however, to the late atrocious attempt, proceedings have been instituted in two cases -one for complicity in the late murderous attempt, another for a publication elevating assassination to doctrine;" and another similar case is now under the consideration of the law officers of the Crown.

It is hoped that these considerations will satisfy Count Walewski that either his expressions have been greatly misunderstood, or that they have been made under an erroneous apprehension of the state of the law in this country, and that, in either case, his Excellency will not hesitate, with that frankness which has characterized his conduct, to offer an explanation which cannot fail to remove any existing misconception.

Your Lordship will read this despatch to Count Walewski, and leave a copy with his Excellency.

I am, &c., (Signed) MALMESBURY. EARL COWLEY TO THE EARL OF MALMESBURY.-(Received March

instant, and, in compliance with the instructions contained in it, I left a copy with his Excellency.

Count Walewski said that he received with great pleasure the assurances conveyed in it, that the Government of which your Lordship is a member are earnestly desirous of maintaining in their integrity those close and friendly relations which, since the restoration of the Empire, have marked the alliance between France and Great Britain; that he recognised, in common with your Lordship, the great benefit of a good understanding between the two countries; and that you would always find him disposed to aid in maintaining it.

With regard to the rest of the despatch, Count Walewski said that he would return an answer to it in a day or two through the Emperor's Ambassador in London; but that he had no hesitation in stating, at once, that nothing could have been further from his intention than to convey, in his despatch of the 20th of January to Count Persigny, any imputation whatever on the morality or honour of the British nation. Nay, he would go further, and assure me that that despatch was written with no other object than to signalize acts and proceedings dangerous to the tranquillity of France, which the Imperial Government had reason to believe were carrying on within the British territories. His Excellency admitted that he had used strong language, but it had been solely with reference to those acts and proceedings. He had never pointed out, or intended to point out, a remedy for them. It was for the English Government and the English nation alone

THE EARL OF MALMESBURY TO LORD COWLEY.

Foreign Office, March 9, 1858. My Lord, I have received your Excellency's despatch of the 8th instant, reporting the language of Count Walewski on receiving from you a copy of my despatch of the 4th instant; and I have to acquaint your Excellency that Her Majesty's Government have observed with great satisfaction the friendly spirit which pervaded his Excellency's remarks, and they feel sure that all the misconception which has prevailed respecting the purport of his previous despatch of the 20th of January, will be entirely removed by the answer which Count Walewski leads you to expect will be returned to the communication now made to him. I am, &c.

(Signed) MALMESBURY.

COUNT WALEWSKI TO COUNT PER-
SIGNY. (Communicated to the
Earl of Malmesbury by Count
Persigny, March 12.)
(Translation.)

Paris, March 11, 1858. M. le Comte,-Lord Cowley has delivered to me a despatch which has been addressed to him by Her Britannic Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, dated the 4th of March, and of which you will find a copy annexed hereto.

The Government of the Emperor congratulates itself on the

friendly dispositions of the new Cabinet, and sees, with sincere satisfaction, that the present Ministers of the Queen, like their predecessors, are under no misapprehension either as to our intentions, or as to the grave nature of the facts which we have signalized to the Government of Her Brittanic Majesty.

The Government of the Emperor, M. le Comte, flatters itself that for six years, its whole conduct has precluded the suspicion of its wishing, in any way, to wound the dignity of the English nation; and His Majesty thinks that, he has seized every opportunity during peace, as well as during war, of drawing closer the bonds between the two people. The Emperor, as you are aware, has always entertained the profound conviction, that the reconciliation of two great nations, after ages of antagonism, could be sincere and lasting only on one condition, namely, that the honour of one should never be sacrificed to the honour of the other.

Such sentiments, attested by the constant acts of the Government of His Majesty, are a sufficient answer to the erroneous interpretations of which our communication of the 20th of January has been the object. Besides, what has happened? I begged you to signalize to the Government of Her Britannic Majesty, the existence in London of a sect of foreigners which, in its publications and its meetings, elevates assassination to doctrine, and which, in the space of six years, has sent into France not less than eight assassins to strike a blow at the Emperor, as is proved by the declarations of the jury.

All these attempts, like that of the 14th of January, have found the Emperor impassive; putting his trust in the protection of Heaven, His Majesty views with profound disdain the attacks which are directed only at his person; but the country has shown itself to be deeply moved by them, and as, at the time when I addressed my despatch to you, no repressive measure had been taken in London, public opinion in France, without taking into account the nature of the institutions of England, or the motives of discretion of which Lord Malmesbury's communication speaks, was astonished that so much audacity should have remained unpunished.

Moreover, the character of our proceedings was laid down to you in the clearest manner by the Emperor himself, who wrote to you towards the end of January: "I do not deceive myself as to the little efficacy of the measures which could be taken, but it will still be a friendly act, which will calm much irritation here. Explain

have been unable to understand how certain expressions of that despatch have been so misinterpreted. It is, besides, unnecessary for me to tell you that it never entered my thought to consider English legislation as designedly sheltering the offender, and,. to borrow Lord Malmesbury's own words, as screening him from punishment.

In giving these assurances to the Principal Secretary of State, you will be so good as to add, that as the intentions of the Emperor have been misapprehended, His Majesty's Government will abstain from continuing a discussion which, by being prolonged, might prejudice the dignity and the good understanding of the two countries; and that it appeals, purely and simply, to the loyalty of the English people.

I request you to read this despatch to Lord Malmesbury, and to leave with him a copy of it. Receive, &c. A. WALEWSKI.

(Signed)

of the Queen; it is not now a question of saving my life, it is a question of saving the alliance."

The Emperor, M. le Comte, has never intended to demand the support of foreign Governments to increase his personal security. A more elevated sentiment, an interest greater in his eyes, have guided him, namely, the maintenance of the good relations existing with the neighhouring States.

My despatch of the 20th of January had no other object than to signalize a state of things which was to be regretted; but I carefully abstained from expressing any opinion as to the measures calculated to remedy it; and I VOL. C.

LATING TO CONSPIRACY TO MUR-
DER.

(Motion for Leave, Feb. 8, 1858.)

Whereas it is expedient to amend the Law relating to the Crimes of Conspiracy and Incitement to murder: Be it enacted by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That from and after the passing of this Act

I. Any Person who shall, within the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or the Islands of Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, Sark,

P

and Man, conspire with any other Person or Persons, being either within or without the said United Kingdom and the said Islands, to commit Murder, either within or without the Dominions of Her Majesty, shall be guilty of Felony, and being convicted thereof shall be liable to be sentenced to Penal Servitude for Life, or for any Term not less than Five Years, or to Imprisonment, with or without Hard Labour, for any Term not exceed ing Three Years.

II. Any Person who shall, within the said United Kingdom or the said Islands of Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, Sark, and Man, incite, instigate, or solicit any other Person, being either within or without the said United Kingdom and Islands, to commit Murder, either within or without Her Majesty's Dominions, shall be guilty of Felony, and shall be liable, upon Conviction thereof, to be sentenced to Penal Servitude for Life, or for any Term not less than Five Years, or to Imprisonment, with or without Hard Labour, for any Term not exceeding Three Years.

III. Any Person charged within the United Kingdom with a Fe

lony, under the Provisions of this Act, may be apprehended, tried, and punished, and otherwise dealt with, in all respects, in any County or Place within the United Kingdom in which he may be found, in the same manner as if the Felony with which he is charged had been committed in such County or Place.

IV. In any Proceeding under this Act in which the Murder shall be alleged to have been intended to be committed in any Foreign Country, the word "Murder" shall be construed to mean the killing of any Person, whether a Subject of Her Majesty or not, under such Circumstances as would, if the Person were so killed in the said United Kingdom, make such killing Murder by the Laws of the said United Kingdom.

V. So much of an Act passed in the Tenth Year of the Reign of George the Fourth, instituted "An Act for consolidating and amending the Statutes in Ireland relating to Offences against the Person," as relates to Conspiracies and Solicitations to murder, is hereby repealed.

Bahadoor, upon Lucknow; and we trust we may indulge the expectation that, ere this, that city has been evacuated by the rebels, and that no considerable corps remains united against us in the field.

2. If this happy result should have been attained, it will be very satisfactory to us to learn that you have deemed yourselves sufficiently strong to be enabled to act towards