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under the banners of Philip-le-Bel?-was the Regent Blanche, who opened her towns and forts to Charles VIII. when he came to invade Italy ?-or Victor Amadeus II., ally of Austria, and in the course of one month first General-in-Chief for the Austrians, then for the French, then for the Austrians again?" The catalogue is pursued with considerable spirit even to our own days. In the course of his forty varieties, Signor Son Pol traverses the whole field of Italian politics, and every page is lit with shrewd sense and brusque humour, as well as true religious and political feeling.

Remarks on the Encyclical of the 8th of December, 1864 (authorized translation). By Mgr. FELIX DUPANLOUP, Bishop of Orleans. Translated from the 32nd Paris edition (with the special approbation of the author). By W. J. M. HUTCHINSON, S.C.L., Oxon. London: George Cheek; Burns, Lambert, & Oates.

MR.

R. HUTCHINSON'S translation of the brochure of the Bishop of Orleans is accurate and easy; but it is to be regretted, in justice to the subject, that he has not translated the whole pamphlet. Though in a Catholic point of view it might appear necessary only to give the bishop's comments on and explanations of the Encyclical, still in the whole argument the political questions concerning the Convention are so interwoven with the considerations pertaining to the Encyclical, that the English reader does not possess in the translation anything like a fair and complete view of Mgr. Duponloup's work. The first part of the pamphlet is, besides, in our opinion, far the ablest, most energetic, and most eloquent; while it is also the most simply unexceptionable both in doctrine and in tone. What Mr. Hutchinson has done, however, he has done well, and for his pains deserves the special approbation which he has received from the eminent author,

God and His Creatures. By the Rev. J. FURNISS, C.SS.R. London: Richardson & Son, 1864.-All that is said below of the "Catechism made Easy," applies with equal, not to say greater, force to "God and His Creatures." Father Furniss's opportunities of acquiring experience in the great art of instructing both children and ignorant adults have been far more extensive than those even of hard-working town priests. It is true that being for the most part always upon the move, in his capacity of preacher of mis-' sions, he perhaps has not had equally fair chances with them of noting the continuous action of his own course of treatment for any great length of time. No one, however, can open his work at any page without being struck with the wonderful powers of illustration the author brings to bear upon every subject he handles, and with the vividness of the pictures he presents to attract and rivet the attention. Moreover, the variety of the subjects themselves renders this little manual of extreme utility to persons of all ages from the child of ten to the old man of seventy; while those who have upon them the duty of imparting instruction will find in it an assistant fully capable of easing them of by far the greater share of the burthen.

Catechism made Easy, vol. i. By the 'Rev. HENRY GIBSON. Liverpool, 1865. The author of this very useful work has for some years been Catholic Chaplain to the Kirkdale Gaol and the Kirkdale Industrial Schools. The number of children, inmates of the industrial schools, was, on the 1st of March last, 1,213, and of that number 660 were Catholics. The religious instruction of these devolves upon the visiting priest, assisted by four pupil teachers, and an hour is devoted daily to this work. Mr. Gibson's "Catechism made Easy" brings with it, therefore, the primâ facie recommendation of issuing from the pen of an experienced man. The amount of that practical kind of wisdom which goes by the general name of experience, which must fall to the lot of nearly every priest in our large towns, is immense, and could each priest but make known the results of it upon any one department of his practice, something approaching perfection might almost be hoped for in the performance of those duties which depend a good deal for their success upon human tact and judgment. Unfortunately, however, the labour and time devoted to the acquirement of experience deprive them for the most part of all power to communicate it. And if our clergy are not so prolific in the way of literature as we could desire, it is rather an argument in their favour than otherwise. They have great and arduous duties ever crowding upon their hands, and have no time for anything beyond the actual labours of missionary life. But when they do contrive, perhaps even at the expense of much-needed hours of rest and recreation, to put forth for the benefit of their fellow priests or the public at large, what they have been able to gather from the numerous facts that have come under their notice, we hail their efforts with the most hearty good will, and are ever ready to do our utmost to second them. Mr. Gibson's book fulfils the expectation its title justly raises. Written by a man whose life is devoted to practice it is eminently practical and useful. And in saying this we are but echoing an opinion we have heard from some of those whose lives are spent much after the fashion of the author's, namely, in the daily instruction of the children of the poor.

CANON OAKELEY has forwarded to us successive sheets of his "Lyra Liturgica" (London: Burns & Co.), now approaching publication. We will notice it at length in our next number. It abounds in beautiful and touching thoughts, while its language is simple, flowing, and spontaneous.

We regret to be obliged to postpone until our next number an article upon Mr. Allies' learned and eloquent " Formation of Christendom," and a number of notices.

.THE

DUBLIN REVIEW.

OCTOBER, 1865.

ART. I. THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 1. Erreurs et Mensonges Historiques. Par M. CH. BARTHÉLEMY, Membre de l'Académie de la Religion Catholique de Rome. Paris: Ch. Blériot. 1863.

2. Le Correspondant. 1843. La Saint-Barthélemy et le XVIIIe Siècle. 3. Revue des deux Mondes. 1845. Monographies Politiques, Henri IV.

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T a time when the religious revolution effected by Luther and Calvin had invaded every province of European Christendom-when further ravages on the fold of the Church were imminent, in consequence of the growing power of Elizabeth and the increasing strength of the Huguenots in France-when the reformatory influence of the Council of Trent and the reaction anticipated from the activity of religious orders, particularly that of the Society of Jesus, had not yet had time to develop-when the conquests awaiting the Catholic faith in the far East and the New World had but begun their march-an event occurred in the history of France which, though it afforded to many Catholics an occasion of temporary triumph, was calculated in the highest degree to damage their cause and bring it into disrepute with those whom they desired to conquer or convert. This was the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. The object of this article will be neither to justify nor to palliate that atrocious transaction, but to point out the causes which provoked it and the motives which actuated it; to show that the principal agents in it were very different from those commonly represented; that the Church, in short, neither advised nor wrought it; and that to lay the blame of it on her would be as untrue to history as injurious towards religion.

The stream of history is by no means clearest near the fountain head. On the contrary, it is for the most part a turbid and shallow brook, which clears and deepens as it runs. State trials, diplomatic correspondence, private memoirs, and VOL. V.-NO. X. [New Series.]

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a variety of other witnesses start up as time rolls on, and correct or confirm original statements. More than twenty years have passed since the researches of M. de Falloux and M. de Carné, in two of the leading French Reviews, threw light on the history of St. Bartholomew's Day; and M. Charles Barthélemy has recently followed up the work they had begun. Two causes had conspired to weaken the authority of previous accounts, the party spirit of Calvinistic historians, and those who leaned to their side, and the readiness with which Catholic writers accepted current reports in their eagerness to repel the suspicion of approving the massacre.

Of all the histories of that event previous to this century, none, perhaps, can be found more succinct and fair than that which is contained in the continuation of Fleury; yet even this requires to be examined by the light of recent research, because the authors from whose works it is compiled laboured under the disadvantage of living too near the times of which they wrote. De Thou was over-indulgent to the Calvinists, and his history is on the Index; Mézeray is severe, careless, and little to be trusted; Dupleix deals very hardly with Margaret de Valois, though she had been his benefactress; Matthieu's histories were as badly written as his tragedies; Brantôme was attached to the court of Charles IX., but was a lively biographer rather than a grave historian. Davila's "Civil Wars from 1559 to 1598" are universally esteemed, yet he is charged with partiality for Catharine de Médicis; the "Memoirs" of Tavannes are highly curious, for his father was one of the King's generals, and concerned in the St. Bartholomew. We shall in the first place follow, with some reserve, the guidance of these writers, and give, on their authority, an outline of the history of that dreadful carnage, and then offer such remarks as appear to us most likely to rectify mistakes respecting it, and clear the Catholic religion of unmerited reproach.

The civil war, in which the Protestants of France were headed by the Prince de Condé, had been brought to a close; the rebels had been defeated at Dreux by the Duke de Guise (1562), at St. Denis by the Constable de Montmorency (1567), at Jarnac and at Moncontour by the Duke d'Anjou, afterwards Henry III. (1569). Peace had been concluded at St. Germain (1570), and the marriage of the King's sister, Margaret de Valois, with a Protestant Prince of Navarre, afterwards Henry IV., seemed a guarantee for the prevention of future hostilities. On the 14th of May, 1572, the Queen of Navarre, with her son, arrived in Paris to celebrate a wedding of so great importance on political and religious

grounds. But she died in her forty-fourth year, in less than a month after her arrival, and in the house of Guillard, Bishop of Chartres, who secretly inclined to the Calvinist doctrine. On the 13th of August the bridal morning woke with merry peals from tower and belfry; but there were those in the royal palace who whispered that more blood than wine would be spilt at the celebration.

The chiefs of the Calvinist party were now in the capital, and preparations were already made for their destruction. They were suspected of being still disloyal at heart, and Admiral de Coligny in particular, who had been Conde's lieutenant-general, though received at court with outward show of friendship, was regarded with intense aversion as a renegade, a conspirator, and a spy. He was, therefore, the first victim marked out for slaughter. It is impossible to ascertain precisely when the dark idea of assassinating him and his adherents first entered the King's mind, and it is but fair to that unhappy youth to say that he seems throughout to have been the tool of his mother. Between the days of the marriage and the massacre many councils were held in his presence and in that of Catharine, in which the means of executing some cruel project were discussed. It was, however, only in Catharine's presence that the most diabolical measures were proposed.

The first act in the tragedy took place on the 22nd of August. Admiral Coligny was more busy in advising the King to declare war against Spain than in providing for his personal safety. He had not indeed any suspicion that his life was in danger, though his friends warned him, and he knew how little his reconciliation with the Duke de Guise was worth. A former page of this nobleman, named Maurevert, already famous as an assassin, fired an arquebuse at the Admiral as he was walking slowly to his lodgings along the cloister of St. Germain l'Auxerrois. One of the three balls discharged carried away the second finger of his right hand, and another severely wounded him in the left elbow. He evinced great courage and resignation, and attributed the blow without hesitation to the Duke de Guise. The King exhibited much concern, and visited the Admiral. He vowed vengeance against the authors of the deed, but the assassin had already escaped towards the gate St. Antoine on a horse which was waiting for him. If Coligny had sunk under his wounds, it is possible that the proposed massacre would have ended with the death of the chief; but, as the physicians gave hopes of his recovery, Catharine concerted further measures with her council, and the butchery of the entire faction was pro

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