pected from the translator of Schlegel, the former is the plan which Mr. Robertson pursues. His lectures on antiquity are disconnected and incomplete, even in the narrow range over which they extend; and the author does not seem at home in the subject. The second part of the volume is devoted to the establishment of a definite political theory by the examples of modern history, in which he is greatly interested, and speaks with zeal and knowledge. The state, says Mr. Robertson, is indirectly of divine origin, not directly, like the family and the Church; and civil authority is not immediately ordained of God, but is the natural development of domestic authority. Consequently, the form in which it is naturally governed is the same as that by which the family is governed. "Royalty is the emanation of paternity," and the republic is either a corruption of monarchy, or a municipality detached from it. The ideal state is a monarchy in which the inferior orders are raised to a participation in power. This existed in the middle ages, but was injured by the exorbitant increase of the royal power, and has been partly preserved only in England by the revolution which confined the power of the king. With this theory, which his lectures on modern history serve to illustrate, Mr. Robertson endeavours to make a compromise between what we should call the Christian notion of the state and political rationalism. In denying the directly divine origin of civil power, he has on his side the opinion of many of the older Catholic writers as well as the popular voice of the day. But whilst he differs with the latter in allowing too much for the influence of the divine will, we are compelled to differ with him because he does not allow enough. In our conviction the true view of the origin and nature of the state, and the only one which must not inevitably succumb to the revolutionary logic, is that which recognises in the state the same divine origin and the same ends as in the Church, which holds that it belongs as much to the primitive essence of a nation as its language, and that it unites men together by a moral, not like family and society, by a natural and sensible bond. With this exception, however, we admit Mr. Robertson's notion, that in the middle ages the ideal of a Christian state subsisted, though never realised. There never was a period in which men did not look backward, or in which the Church did not teach them to look forward, to a better time. It was the business of modern history further to develop the system to which the mediæval polity tended; and this it failed to do because of the inordinate growth, not, as our author says, of the power of the king only, but of the power of the state. State-absolutism, not royal absolutism, is the modern danger against which neither representative government nor democracy can defend us, and which revolution greatly aggravates. If we do not bear this in mind, we shall be led constantly astray by forms to overlook the substance, to confound freedom of speech with freedom of action, to think that right is safer against majorities than against tyrants, that liberty is permanently safer in Belgium, Piedmont, or the United States, than in France, Russia, or Naples. We have dwelt upon the few points on which we differ with the political theory of our author, because we believe that he attaches more importance to it than to the historical illustrations by which he has worked it out. With respect to the latter, we will only recommend King Philip II. to his greater indulgence and, we would add, greater justice. We observe that the most violent attack upon him, Mr. Motley's Rise of the Dutch Republic, is not quoted by Mr. Robertson. We confidently request him to read it, and to read also the refutation of it by Mathias Koch. Cantata on the Passion of our Lord Jesus Christ. The Words and Music by St. Alphonsus M. de Liguoro (composed in 1760). Arranged for the Organ or Pianoforte by the Chev. F. W. de Liguoro. (John Philp, 7 Orchard Street, London, 1860.) This piece of music is well worth noticing for its intrinsic excellence, as well as for the interest that must always attach to the by-works and the recreations of Saints. Without subscribing to the exaggerated and uncalled-for declaration of the publisher, that the Stabat of Pergolesi is not equal to this admirable composition of St. Alphonsus, we may safely say that, though it is rather tedious, and somewhat overburdened with repetitions, it is both a graceful and learned composition, and in melodiousness certainly above the average musical compositions of the period-just one year after the death of Sebastian Bach. St. Alphonsus probably designed this composition to be sung in church. Its accompaniment of violin obligato, and the passionate melodies given to the Redentore and the anima as they address each other as O cara, and mio Tresor, mio bene, afford a striking refutation of all those who think that Saints can only sing Gregorian. St. Alphonsus evidently wished to keep sacred music up to the level of secular; and in these times we cannot at all fancy that he would countenance the musical puritanism that is attempting to banish from church intricate and melodious music and female voices-the only voices that can execute this music with precision. One word to the publisher. In days when we can buy all Beethoven's or Mozart's sonatas for a guinea, it is rather bold to charge half-a-guinea for twenty-two pages of music, printed precisely in the same cheap way, not over-correctly, and with so little judgment, that a whole page (p. 4) is taken up with about three chords; while on another (p. 9), intricate passages are so crowded, that it would be difficult to read them, even if there was no note misplaced. We are told, also, that the Ms. of the Cantata, with autographic corrections, was found in the Royal Library of the British Museum. No hint is given us of the nature of the proof that the music is really that of St. Alphonsus, or that the corrections are really in his handwriting. All these things are serious faults in an editor, and should be corrected if Mr. Philp intends to proceed with his selection of "classical music of the school of Scarlatti." But with all these drawbacks, we must thank both editor and publisher for a very interesting addition to our stock of good ecclesiastical music. Contemporary Events. Catholic Affairs. HOME AFFAIRS. SOME Scandal was excited, towards the end of December, in Ireland, by the appointment of a Catholic M.P. to be junior counsel on circuit to the department of Woods and Forests. The cause of independent opposition seemed to be compromised by this defection on the part of a gentleman who was understood to belong to that party. To those who desire political independence in Catholic public men it is of less vital interest, for we know some who have held office with real advantage to the whole body, and who have not hesitated to sacrifice office when they thought their fellow- Catholics had cause to complain of the government. The question attaches to the constituencies as much as to the representatives. When voters seek government patronage through their members, they cannot be surprised if their members sometimes seek the same for themselves. Burke has a lesson for both parties. "A patronagedispensing member of parliament may, while he betrays every valuable interest of the kingdom, be a benefactor, a patron, a father, a guardianangel to his borough;" and again, "It is better if a member were not to be influenced. But of all modes of influence, a place under government is the least disgraceful to the man who holds it, and by far the most safe to the country. I would not shut out that sort of influence which is open and visible, which is connected with the dignity and serIvice of the state, when it is not in my power to prevent the influence of contracts, of subscriptions, of direct bribery, and those innumerable methods of clandestine corruption which are abundantly in the hands of the court, and which will be applied as long as these means of corruption and the disposition to be corrupted have existence amongst us" (Works, .301, 322). The demonstrations in Ireland in favour of the Pope have been kept up with unabated vigour; there has been no lay address in that part of the kingdom precisely answering to that of the English Catholics; but an address to Lord Palmerston was signed by some leading men, which affirmed the expediency of the temporal sovereignty of the Pope, in order that he may be "free to exercise his spiritual authority over Catholics of all nations, unfettered by the feeling of dependence on any particular state;" asserted that the Pope, if left to himself, would carry out the reforms of which the beginning of his reign afforded so bright a promise, and that it was therefore unjust to attribute the alleged misgovernment of his States to him; and which finally asked Lord Palmerston and the ministry, in consideration of the numerical strength of the Catholic body, and the influence which they should justly exercise on the councils of England, "to promote, or concur in such settlement of the affairs of Italy as, while it provides for the liberties of the Italian people, will secure the integrity, independence, and neutrality of the Holy See.' Serious objections might perhaps be raised against some parts of this document, though not against the substance of it. Its general defence was taken up by the Archbishop of Dublin. United in principle and object,' says Dr. Cullen," and more cannot reasonably be expected, we must, in the employment of means to effect our purpose, leave room for, and wisely tolerate difference of opinion." As to the objection that Catholics ought not to address themselves to Lord Palmerston at all, the Archbishop observes, "It would be most desirable that no Protestant statesman should be allowed to interfere in the matters which so nearly concern our religion. But, unhappily, if a Congress be held, not only English Protestants, but Greek schismatics and 66 Prussian evangelicals, will consider it their right to vote on the various questions now pending.. If this be the case, why not remind the Prime Minister of England that he will lose the confidence of several millions of her Majesty's subjects if he takes any part against the rights of the Pope, and consequently that it is expedient for him to support the independence, integrity, and neutrality of the dominions of the Pope." This remark is the more weighty, because it is to these non-Catholic states that the Pope owed the restoration of the Legations at the Congress of Vienna, and it is to them that he must yet have recourse as the upholders of legitimacy against the revolutionary principles which prevail in all the Catholic states of southern Europe. The Archbishop then declares, that for the management of Catholic affairs the Tories are as objectionable as the Whigs. "I doubt very much whether we have any thing to expect from the party which has for its leaders most bitter opponents of Catholicity, and rests in Ireland for its support on the Orange lodges of this country. While Lord Derby proclaims the Pope's territory a plague-spot, and Lord Malmesbury and Mr. Disraeli call for its dismemberment, and Lord Ellenborough subscribes money for the purchase of a million of muskets to arm the rebels of the Pope's States, I must confess that I find myself embarrassed to make a choice between the aid of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, and I cannot but pray that his Holiness may be preserved from the affectionate care and protection of both parties." The chief meetings of Catholics in England have been those of Newcastle-on-Tyne, Jan. 23, when 6000 persons assembled, and were addressed by Father Suffield and many of our northern notables; and that of Birmingham, Feb. 14, when 7000 persons were present. The Bishop made a very careful statement of the progress of events in Italy, which is well worth reading. One sentence will, we think, appear open to criticism. The Pope, he says, imposes respect on his subjects, and gives them happiness. Is not this the sublime end of all government? And 66 why do men enter into the strife of political life, but because they think they have not got these blessings? To enter into political strife when happiness is given, is to destroy that happiness.' The fact we believe to be, that as men are better governed, they become better instructed, have more leisure, and, as a consequence, desire more ardently to exercise the higher functions of the mind. But as the philosopher witnesses, man is a political being, and his most absorbing and interesting earthly pursuit is exactly "the strife of political life," which is only the perfect development of social life. If it were true that the subjects of the Pope are ex vi termini deprived of political action, that would be an invincible argument against the maintenance of the temporal power. The speech of Bishop Ullathorne is, however, decidedly the most elaborate argument that the great controversy has called forth in England, and will do good and permanent service if published separately. We hope, if that is done, that some inaccuracies of statement will be removed which would seriously impair its authority. Feb. 14. Mr. Spooner renewed his usual motion against the Maynooth grant, which was negatived without any debate. The short discussion which took place on this occasion was remarkable, because the veteran performer announced that it would probably be his last appearance in the character which has made him famous, and because it appears that he is not to go without leaving behind him a worthy successor in the person of his disciple, Mr. Long. Indeed we do not doubt that there are in the country five hundred as good as he. But the difference between Mr. Spooner and his follower is, that the latter took higher ground than is now customary with no-popery leaders. Generally speaking, it is disloyalty of the Irish Catholics, the teaching at Maynooth, the doubt Catholics are supposed to entertain as to the legitimacy of the royal family, which have furnished an argument which was powerful in Elizabeth's reign. It is not so much for the sake of the Established Church as of the State, that Maynooth ought to be deprived of its supplies; not because Catho licism is, in the words of Lord Derby, religiously corrupt, but because it is politically dangerous. Now the argument that every government must profess some religion, and cannot be expected to support other religions, afforded much firmer ground for attacks on the Maynooth grant, and was founded on a principle which most Catholic governments have followed. But this consideration has lost much of its power in the political world, and now it is the fear of Ultramontanism that predominates among men who see the jealousy with which, in other countries, the Church is often regarded; who know that in many Catholic states her freedom has been taken from her, the limits and manner of her teaching have been prescribed to her, whilst her hands have been fettered and her mouth gagged in order that her natural influence might not stand in the way of systems of policy. The example of Catholic countries undoubtedly confirms these men in their idea that Catholicism is essentially opposed to good government, but may be abridged and adapted to suit even Protestant views. It must be confessed that the existence on one side of a party which forgets the things that are Cæsar's, provokes on the other side an oblivion of the things that are God's. Abroad, the freedom of the Church has often been curtailed for the sake, not of another religion, but of the State. Now in a free country the faith of the minority is secure, and this is a test of a country which tends towards freedom. In Prussia the Church enjoys greater liberty than she possessed before the Concordat in Austria. It is instructive for the political character of the two states to compare the decrees relative to Protestants issued last year by the infidel government of France with the Protestant Patent in Austria, where, since the Concordat, the Protestants have obtained concessions and securities for which the Catholics of this country are still vainly struggling. Finance. The estimates for the navy are increased, not only by the necessity of keeping on a level with the growing force of foreign countries, but by the necessity of going on with the total reconstruction of our fleet, which steam has made necessary, and which is still far from being completed. "It behoves us," said Lord Paget in bringing in the naval estimates, "immediately to set to work to regain that superiority of which the introduction of steam has temporarily deprived us." The strength of our fleet is directly determined by that of the fleets of the other maritime powers, France and Russia. These are now ostensibly our only formidable competitors. In the old war we had many other enemies to encounter at sea. In the year 1800, we had captured 25 ships of the line, and 64 frigates and sloops from the Dutch; 8 ships of the line, 67 frigates and sloops from the Spaniards; besides 45 ships of the line, and 275 other men-of-war from the French. Afterwards, 17 ships of the line were taken or destroyed at Trafalgar; and in 1807 we seized the Danish fleet, consisting of 18 ships of the line, and 15 frigates. In this way our maritime supremacy was obtained, and three naval powers permanently destroyed. But France has formed a new fleet, which is still untried, but which is, in numbers and armament, extremely powerful. Their force is as follows: ships of the line afloat, 32; building, 5; frigates afloat, 34; building, 13; corvettes afloat, 17; building, 2; gunboats afloat, 39; building, 29; including all other men-of-war, 244 steam-ships afloat, and 61 building. Among the latter are five iron-cased ships. Most of those which are building might be launched in a few weeks; and although the greater part of those afloat are in reserve, still every one of those 244 vessels could be manned and sent to sea in a very few weeks. At the same time the Russians are making great efforts to improve their navy. In this they are eagerly and efficiently assisted by the Americans, who build many of their ships, and most of their machinery, and who have a political as well as a commercial object in so assisting them. At the close of the late war, an English traveller met a party of American engineers and contractors in the Baltic, and heard them declare that the Russian navy would be in a few years |