other leathern articles of clothing. Oils. Musical instruments. Worsted and woollen shawls, plain, printed, or patterned. Coverlids, woollen gloves, and other worsted and woollen manufactures. Handkerchiefs and other manufactures of linen and hemp. Perfumery. Cabinet-ware, carved work, and turnery. Clocks, watches, and opera-glasses. Manufactures of lead. China and porcelain-ware. Stone and earthen-ware Grapes. Manufactures of silk, or of silk mixed with any other materials, of whatever description they may be, &c. &c. &c.

Articles not enumerated in the tariff, now paying an ad-valorem duty of 10 per cent; subject, however, to such measures of precaution as the protection of the public revenue may require, against the introduction of materials liable to custom or excise duties, in the composition of articles admitted duty free in virtue of the present paragraph.

VI. Her Britannic Majesty engages also to propose to parliament that the duties on the importation of French wine be at once reduced to a rate not exceeding 3s. a gallon, and that from the 1st of April 1861, the duties on importation shall be regulated as follows:

1. On wine containing less than 15 degrees of proof spirit, verified by Sykes's hydrometer, the duty shall not exceed 1s. a gallon.

2. On wine containing from 15 to 26 degrees, the duty shall not exceed 1s. 6d. a gallon.

3. On wine containing from 26 to 40 degrees, the duty shall not exceed 2s. a gallon.

4. Ön wine in bottles, the duty shall not exceed 2s. a gallon.

5. Wine shall not be imported at any other ports than those which shall be named for that purpose before the present treaty shall come into force, her Britannic Majesty reserving to herself the right of substituting other ports for those which shall have been originally named, or of increasing the number of them.

The duty fixed upon the importation of wine at ports other than those named, shall be 2s. a gallon.

VII. Her Britannic Majesty promises to recommend to parliament to admit into the United Kingdom mer

chandise imported from France at a rate of duty equal to the excise duty which is or shall be imposed upon articles of the same description in the United Kingdom. At the same time the duty chargeable upon the importation of such merchandise may be augmented by such a sum as shall be an equivalent for the expenses which the system of excise may entail upon the British producer.

VIII. In accordance with the preceding Article, her Britannic Majesty undertakes to recommend to parliament the admission into the United Kingdom of brandies and spirits imported from France at a duty exactly equal to the excise duty levied upon home-made spirits, with the addition of a surtax of 2d. a gallon, which will make the actual duty payable on French brandies and spirits 8s. 2d. the gallon.

Her Britannic Majesty further undertakes to recommend to parliament the admission of gold and silver plate imported from France at a duty equal to the stamp or excise duty which is charged on British gold and silver plate.

IX. It is understood between the two high contracting powers, that if one of them thinks it necessary to establish an excise tax or inland duty upon any article of home production or manufacture which is comprised among the preceding enumerated articles, the foreign imported article of the same description may be immediately liable to an equivalent duty on importation.

It is equally understood between the high contracting powers, that in case the British government should deem it necessary to increase the excise duties levied upon home-made spirits, the duties on the importation of wines may be modified in the following manner :

"For every increase of 1s. per gallon of spirits on the excise duty there may be on wines which pay 1s. 6d. duty an augmentation not exceeding 1d. per gallon; and on wines which pay 2s. an augmentation not exceeding 24d. per gallon.

X. The two high contracting parties reserve to themselves the power of levying upon all articles mentioned in the present treaty, or upon any other article, landing or shipping

dues, in order to pay the expenses of all necessary establishments at the ports of importation and exportation.

But in all that relates to local treatment, the dues and charges in the ports, basins, docks, roadsteads, harbours, and rivers of the two countries, the privileges, favours, or advantages which are or shall be granted to national vessels generally, or to the goods imported or exported in them, shall be equally granted to the vessels of the other country, and to the goods imported or exported in them.

XI. The two high contracting Powers engage not to prohibit the exportation of coal, and to levy no duty upon such exportation.

XII. The subjects of one of the two high contracting Powers shall in the dominions of the other enjoy the same protection as native subjects in regard to the rights of property in trade-marks and in patterns of every description.

XIII. The ad-valorem duties established within the limits fixed by the preceding articles shall be converted into specific duties by a supplementary convention, which shall be concluded before the 1st of July 1860. The medium prices during the six months preceding the date of the present treaty shall be taken as the basis for this conversion.

Duties shall, however, be levied in conformity with the bases above established:

1. In the event of this supplementary convention not having come into force before the expiration of the period fixed for the execution by France of the present treaty.

2. Upon those articles the specific duties on which shall not have been settled by common consent.

XIV. The present Treaty shall be binding for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland so soon as the necessary legislative sanction shall have been given by parliament, with the reserve made in Article VI. respecting wines.

Further, her Britannic Majesty reserves to herself the power of retaining, upon special grounds, and by way of exception, during a period not exceeding two years, dating from the 1st of April 1860, half of the du

ties on those articles the free admission of which is stipulated by the present treaty.

This reserve, however, does not apply to articles of silk manufacture.

XV. The engagements contracted by his Majesty the Emperor of the French shall be fulfilled, and the tariffs previously indicated as payable on British goods and manufactures shall be applied, within the following periods:

1. For coal and coke, from the 1st of July 1860.

2. For bar and pig iron, and for steel of the kinds which are not subject to prohibition, from the 1st of October 1860.

3. For worked metals, machines, tools, and mechanical instruments of all sorts, within a period which shall not exceed the 31st of December 1860.

4. For yarns and manufactures in flax and hemp, from the 1st of June 1861.

5. And for all other articles, from the 1st of October 1861.

XVI. His Majesty the Emperor of the French engages that the ad-valorem duties payable on the importation into France of merchandise of British production and manufacture, shall not exceed a maximum of 25 per cent, from the 1st of October 1864.

XIX. Each of the two high contracting Powers engages to confer on the other any favour, privilege, or reduction in the tariff of duties of importation on the articles mentioned in the present Treaty which the said Power may concede to any third Power. They further engage not to enforce one against the other any prohibition of importation or exportation which shall not at the same time be applicable to all other nations.

XXI. The present Treaty shall remain in force for the space of ten years, to date from the day of the exchange of ratifications; and in case neither of the high contracting Powers shall have notified to the other, twelve months before the expiration of the said period of ten years, the intention to put an end to its operation, the Treaty shall continue in force for another year, and so on from year to year until the expiration of a year, counting from the day on which one or other of the

high contracting Powers shall have announced its intention to put an end to it.

The high contracting Powers reserve to themselves the right to in

troduce by common consent into this Treaty any modification which is not opposed to its spirit and principles, and the utility of which shall have been shown by experience.

Under this head we must confine ourselves to the subject which engrosses the attention of Europe, the dispute between the Pope and the Emperor. Our last chronicle of current events closed at a time when all things had been arranged for the meeting of a Congress to settle the affairs of Italy, but on the very eve of an event which balked the general expectation. The Roman government had assented to the Congress, when, December 19th, the Paris and London newspapers announced that an official pamphlet was about to appear, describing the views of the Emperor respecting the settlement in Italy.

1. December 22. The pamphlet Le Pape et le Congrès was published anonymously, appearing in the Times in English, and in the Cologne Gazette in German, on the morning of the day on which it was published at Paris.

The writer begins by stating that "between those who, detesting the temporal power of the Pope, loudly invoke his fall, and those who, looking upon that power as an article of faith, will not allow it to be touched, there is place for a less exclusive opinion in one sense or the other.'

This opinion he proceeds to define. The Pope must be absolutely independent of every other power. He once had the misfortune to become dependent, not, as has been erroneously supposed, on France, but on Germany; and the experiment can never be repeated.

"In a religious point of view, it is “essential that the Pope should be a "sovereign. In a political point of "view, it is necessary that the head "of 200,000,000 of Catholics should "not be dependent on any one, not "be subservient to any power; and "that the august hand which sways "the souls, free from all trammels,

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same personification. The pontiff "is bound by principles of divine "order which he cannot discard. "The prince has to respond to the "claims of society, which he cannot "disown.... If we were to seek "for the solution of this problem in "the customary forms of the govern"ment of peoples, we should not "find it. There does not exist in "the world a constitution of a nature "to conciliate exigencies so diverse. "It is neither by monarchy nor by liberty that this end can be ob

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"A great State implies certain re"quirements which it is impossible "for the Pope to satisfy. A great "State would like to follow up the politics of the day, to perfect its 'institutions, participate in the ge"neral movement of ideas, take ad

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vantage of the transformations of "the age, of the conquests of science, "of the progress of the human mind. "He cannot do it. The laws will be "shackled by dogmas. His autho"rity will be paralysed by traditions. "His patriotism will be condemned "by faith."

An ecclesiastical State cannot be great and prosperous by the same means as another State. Now, the larger the territory, the greater are the demands on the central power, and the inclination to be involved in the interests and passions of other countries, and to be carried along by currents which prevail elsewhere,demands and inclinations with which the Pope cannot comply.

"Thus, then, the temporal power "of the Pope is necessary and legi"timate; but it is incompatible with a State of any extent. It is only possible if exempt from all the or66 dinary conditions of power; that "is to say, from every thing that "constitutes its activity, its develop

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ment, its progress. It must exist "without an army, without a par"liament, so to say, without a code "of laws or a court of justice."

Since, therefore, all the legitimate claims of a great State necessarily remain without their fulfilment where the Pope is the ruler, the larger the number of his subjects, the greater are the amount and the reasons of discontent, and the greater, therefore, the danger. To be a subject of the Pope, then, great sacrifices of all territorial advantages are required; and it is a privilege which few can be expected to purchase at that price except the people of Rome itself. The

Romans will be easily induced to pay the needful penalty, because, having been formerly great in arms and renown, their chief enjoyment must naturally be to cultivate the memories and ruins of their faded greatness, and to revel in the pride of being a Roman citizen. Fallen as they are, it is more fitting and consoling for them not to form a State at all; but to be placed in an honourable and exceptional seclusion, instead of constituting one of the least and weakest powers.

"Rome belongs, then, to the Head "of the Church. Should she slip

"can...

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"In short, there will be a people "in Europe who will be ruled less 'by a king than by a father, and "whose rights will be guaranteed "rather by the heart of the sove"reign than by the authority of the "laws and institutions. This people "will have no national representa"tion, no army, no press, no magistracy. The whole of its political "existence will be limited to its municipal organisation. Beyond that narrow circle it will have no other resource than contemplation, the "arts, the study of ruins (la culture "des ruines), and prayer. It will "be for ever disinherited of that no"ble portion of activity which in every country is the stimulus of patriotism, and the legitimate ex"ercise of the faculties of the mind "of superior characters. Under the government of the Sovereign Pon"tiff there can be no aspiration either "to the glory of the soldier or the "triumphs of the orator or of the "statesman. . . These considera"tions have surely some value, and, "after all, under such a system, with "such advantages, and with the "chance of having great Popes, such "as history records, it will always

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"Necessity of divesting it as much as possible of all the responsibilities "incumbent upon a government, and "of placing the Head of the Church "in a sphere where his spiritual au"thority can neither be shackled nor compromised by his political authority;

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'Necessity, to achieve this, of re"stricting instead of extending his "territory, and of diminishing rather "than increasing the number of his "subjects;

"Necessity of giving to the popu"lation of these states, thus deprived "of the advantages of a political ex"istence, compensations by a pater"nal and economical administra❝tion;

"Such is the substance of what "we have endeavoured to demon"strate.

This plan is not only admirably suited to the interests of religion and of the present subjects of the Pope, but it happens just now to be the only practicable solution of the Roman question. For a portion of the Papal States are in revolt; the moral influence of France has failed to induce them to submit; they cannot therefore be brought back except by force. Now the use of force is inconsistent with the sacred and peaceful character of the Pontiff; and, moreover, there is nobody who can possibly exercise it in his behalf. France interferes in the affairs of other states only to abet subjects in their resistance to their sovereigns, not to defend the rights of princes. Austria has often made the duty of upholding legitimate rights a means of extending her influence in Italy; but

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France, then, cannot intervene "for the re-establishment of the temporal power of the Pope in the Romagna, and she cannot allow "Austria to have recourse to force "to compel the populations, when "she rejects its employment on her "own account."

Nothing, therefore, remains but that the same authority which gave the Romagna to the Pope should take it away,-namely, a European Congress. Indeed it is peculiarly right that it should do so, because when the Congress of Vienna determined that the Pope was to have