Statehood advocates maintain that the present relationship is one of inequality and inferiority--one that retains "vestiges of colonialism" and relegates Puerto Ricans to second class citizens. Proponents state that although Puerto Ricans are U.S. citizens, they cannot participate fully in the American political system. Governor Carlos Romero-Barcelo, a staunch statehood advocate, explains that:

"If Puerto Rico were a state, we would have seven
representatives in the House, two United States
senators, and nine electoral votes for President
--more electoral votes than twenty-five of the
existing states. But without statehood, we lack
the political rights that make citizenship in a
democracy truly meaningful."

Advocates assert that the island is still a territory, subject to the Congress' broad authority. As such, they state that the Congress can treat the island differently from States by excluding or restricting its participation in certain Federal activities. Moreover, they point to a recent U.S. Supreme Court case upholding such differential treatment and a "long history of discrimination and unfair treatment against the residents of Puerto Rico in fundamental Federal legislation, grants-in-aid, and other programs.

Another inequality statehood advocates cite is that Puerto Ricans have paid their "blood tax" through military participation since World War I, but island residents cannot vote for or against the Commander-in-Chief.

Advocates maintain that statehood is the key to eliminating such inequality and increasing the island's participation in shaping America. They also believe there is little known about Puerto Rico on the U.S. mainland. Governor Romero notes that "We are still looked upon as outsiders--and sometimes even as foreigners--by our fellow American citizens in the rest of the

nation."

Although recognizing this problem, supporters view the granting of U.S. citizenship in 1917 as a vital factor in sustaining the statehood movement. They identify citizenship

the indissolvable link between the island and the States and maintain that statehood would bring fulfillment of the implied admission promise inherent in citizenship.

Advocates emphasize that Puerto Ricans have continually demonstrated their loyalty to American democratic principles and the private enterprise system. They point to the island's adoption of many American doctrines, traditions, and institutions and of a constitution patterned after the Federal model. They cite residents' substantial contributions to defending the Nation through military service for many years. Additionally,

advocates point to the extensive trade between the island and the States and the integration of their economies.

Proponents state that Puerto Rico has made substantial socioeconomic progress but argue that statehood is needed to resolve the island's problems. They believe statehood would provide the necessary legal instrument for assuring political equality, social justice, and economic security, as well as enhancing the island's prosperity and role in national matters. Governor Romero summarizes this sentiment as follows:

"I am convinced, both as a Latin American and as a
U.S. citizen, that statehood for Puerto Rico would
constitute a boon for the nation, as well as for the
island....We statehooders are therefore committed to
forging a society in which, while remaining faithful
to our linguistic and cultural traditions, we can make
a full and meaningful contribution to building a better
America, in exchange for full and meaningful participation
in the process by which America is governed."

Advocates maintain that statehood will reduce, rather than increase, Puerto Rico's reliance on Federal transfer payments. They believe admission would create more natural economic growth and stimulate investment in such areas as manufacturing, agriculture, and tourism by providing political security, increasing awareness of Puerto Rico, and enabling the island to better use its abundant labor supply.

Further, statehood would assure the island equal treatment in Federal programs and laws as well as full representation in the U.S. Congress. Advocates believe that equal political representation would give Puerto Rico a stronger voice in Federal legislation, strengthen Federal awareness of the island's problems, and greatly enhance Puerto Rico's ability to increase its share of Federal investments to help stimulate the economy.

Statehood advocates recognize that although admission would bring political equality it will also entail significant fiscal adjustments; but they propose this process be phased in gradually over several years. Proponents express their desire to pay Federal taxes to correct the current one-sidedness and give residents a greater sense of dignity and self-worth by contributing to common goals. They note, however, that the longstanding absence of Federal taxation puts the island in an unprecedented situation.

Supporters point out that new States have traditionally been granted a wide range of concessions and that the Congress has the broad authority to accommodate the island's special needs. Advocates argue that Puerto Rico's situation presents unique circumstances dictating a commensurate approach in devising adequate admission arrangements. Such terms should, they maintain, preserve the island's language and culture and provide for phasing in full

Federal taxation. This proposal and other examples of transitional arrangements advocates believe are indicative of the type needed are discussed further in subsequent chapters.

While recognizing that fiscal adjustments are necessary, statehood supporters assert that admission cannot be viewed solely in financial terms. They declare that the fundamental issue is their full and equal rights as citizens within a democracy and the quest for dignity. This goal, Governor Romero proclaims, "is political equality within a framework which will permit our island and our nation to prosper together."

Commonwealth proponents want to keep ties but seek greater autonomy

Traditionally, supporters of the commonwealth concept have espoused predominantly autonomist principles. Essentially, this translates into strong ties with another country--Spain and later the United States--while developing greater self-government for Puerto Rico within this broader political system. Support for these principles resulted in the island's 1897 Charter of Autonomy with Spain and fostered the present Commonwealth relationship.

In every decade since 1952 Commonwealth proponents have advocated revisions to clarify that status and expand the island's political powers. Supporters maintain that Commonwealth is a legitimate status in and of itself. They argue that the present fundamental relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States should be continued, but changes are necessary to give Puerto Rico greater flexibility and to assure the viability of the commonwealth principle.

The most recent description of the rationale for greater autonomy has been former Governor Raphael Hernández-Colon's "New Thesis," introduced on July 25, 1979. An aide to the former Governor stressed that the New Thesis outlines why greater autonomy is needed and identifies general areas where change is required, but he stated that changes to the present status are potentially exhaustive and that exact methods need to be studied and worked out in greater detail later.

The Popular Democratic Party endorsed the New Thesis' general principles in its 1980 electoral platform. The New Thesis maintains that Commonwealth status has served Puerto Rico well but needs amending so the island can deal effectively with pressing social and economic concerns. Basic U.S.-Puerto Rico ties are to be preserved, but greater political autonomy is believed necessary to enhance self-sufficiency and resolve the current confusion and lack of orientation.

Mr. Hernández-Colón maintains that the principal advantage of the autonomous system is its flexibility to accommodate the island's aspirations and particular needs within its tie to the

United States, but outside the latter's rigid internal structure. He argues that despite the 81-year relationship with the United States, the island has retained its unique cultural and linguistic features--the foundation of Puerto Rico's identity and auto

nomy.

The New Thesis asserts that this autonomy needs to be increased over internal matters and expanded to include authority to make arrangements with other countries. It states, however, that equally as important is preserving political, social, cultural, economic, and emotional bonds between Puerto Rico and the United States, which have profoundly affected the island's development.

These ties, particularly common citizenship, must be maintained while preserving Puerto Rico's autonomist identity, argues Mr. Hernández-Colón. He states further that when citizenship was extended it was anticipated that the island would have an autonomous political system. He notes that common citizenship is deeply honored and its privileges defended by Puerto Ricans through military service, but island residents' identity comes from being Puerto Rican, not from being U.S. citizens:

"Our Puerto Rican nationality has been given U.S.
citizenship, which adds to it a special dimension
of protection and political loyalty for coexistence,
but not to compete with or reduce the basic and
deep loyalty that for vital reasons ties us to the
motherland." 1/

The New Thesis asserts that citizenship should not be viewed as a step to statehood but rather as a source of rights so that Puerto Ricans can affirm themselves as individuals while retaining their unique characteristics. This citizenship, Mr. HernándezColón maintains, along with Puerto Rico's right to freely pursue self-determination, strengthens the island's position to decide its future. He argues that Commonwealth status has resulted in great socioeconomic achievements but that widespread dissatisfaction and critical social and economic problems dictate a reevaluation of the present arrangement.

The New Thesis presents proposed strategies to handle the island's problems but maintains that they cannot be effectively resolved without greater autonomy. Mr. Hernández-Colón asserts that to spur economic investments and begin educational reform greater flexibility is needed. He proposes that Federal assistance to the Puerto Rican government be allocated in a block grant rather than on a program basis. Also, he states that control over communications (radio and television) is needed for educational purposes.

1/Quotation taken from English translation of the New Thesis.

Further, Mr. Hernández-Colón maintains that Puerto Rico needs to develop a human resource policy for generating employment opportunities; reduce its dependence on the Federal Government and foreign capital; remold the island's manufacturing and agricultural sectors to better use foreign investment; and institute social and educational reforms. To make any strategy work, however, he states that the island needs to be granted authority over immigration of foreigners, everything related to labor relations (wages and work conditions), use of natural resources and the sea, environmental regulations, entry of foreign products through tariff controls, and negotiations with foreign countries.

Mr. Hernández-Colón argues that many of these necessary adjustments to the Commonwealth formula were ignored when the proposed 1975 Compact of Permanent Union was not acted upon. Consequently, he states that the status issue should be pursued vigorously to effect the appropriate revisions. Similarly, in its 1980 platform the Popular Democratic Party emphasized its pledge to pursue expanding the Commonwealth's authority.

The New Thesis maintains that the Commonwealth concept should be a dynamic process that can be modified as circumstances change. Mr. Hernández-Colón asserts that contemporary Federal and international realities make adjustments necessary. He states that because of growing internal requirements, Puerto Rico needs to increase its local authority and widen its external relations in search of resources and agreements that will suit its economic and cultural needs. This situation, Mr. HernándezColón argues, mandates that Puerto Rico be granted greater autonomy.

Independence supporters advocate complete autonomy

Independence has been an aspiration of certain Puerto Rican groups since Spanish dominion. In fact, a brief revolt against Spain in 1868, known as the Grito de Lares, became a symbol for independence supporters. The independence option has continued to be advocated during the association with the United States. Presently, two political parties certified to participate in local elections espouse independence as their status goals--the Puerto Rican Independence Party (PIP) and the Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PSP).

The PIP, steadfastly committed to independence and democratic socialism, states that complete autonomy is required to correct the heart of Puerto Rico's very serious social and economic problems. It asserts that the colonial relationship with the United States has precluded the island from possessing the necessary political and economic authority to, among other things,

--protect and adequately develop its cultural and
national identity;