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Accordingly we shall find that the most eminent men in Europe, particularly in G. Britain, have received their education neither at public schools nor universities; and this fact, together with the foregoing considera ipns being duly weighed, we shall perhaps conclude with a celebrated foreign journal that a society of twenty or thirty boys under the guidance of a learned man, and above all, a man of sound sense, is, (next to a domestic education under the inspection of vigilant and affectionate parents,) a seminary the best a,apted for the instruction of youth."

Until the utility of these establishments is proved beyond question, you will agree with me that governmenț should have nothing to do with their endowment.But admitting this point, does it follow that they, Ike many other institutions of a public nature, my not safely be left to individual enterprize? In the progress of society funds for such purposes will no doubt be accumulated, when their benefits are evident, and a necessity for them felt. They will in that case be erected independent of the patronage or control of government. Why then call upon government to interfere in a mat, ter not properly within its sphere, or extend its autlio, rity beyond what is absolutely necessary to attain its legitimate ends, by placing under its direction a most powerful engine for moulding and insens bly warping the opinions of men?

But you tell me that the people must be instructed, or the age of Ignorance and Vandalism will quickly return. I agree with you in this sentiment. Í acknow ledge that something must be done, and now I will proceed to state what I think government may and ought to do,

Government may, in the first place, become the pio neer of literature. It may employ learned men to make voyages of discovery for the objects of science, and take exact surveys of our interior country, and maps and charts of our coasts and harbors. It may offer premiums for discoveries-purchase from propri etors such mechanical inventions as are of general utility-print school books and distribute them at an inconsiderable expence-and make it necessary for every one to acquire the elements of science to be eligible to ANY office. It may too, very properly and beneficially, (always taking for granted that there is no constitutional impediment,) provide the means of extending informa tion. In every large town and even in every considera. ble village, reading rooms, weil selected libiaries, labo,

ratories and philosophical apparata might be furnished at public expence to which all persons under certain regulations might be admitted. At the seat of government, where persons from all parts of the United Sta es resort, there might be a very large and extensive national library, including maps, charts and engravings, a gallery of pictures, a collection of the best statues, a museum of medals, coins and inscriptions, a botanical garden, a menagery, a cabinet of minerals, a large chemical laboratory and philosophical apparatus, and a military and nautical school. These public establishments would be principally useful to the school in their neighborhood. And whilst they every where assisted and excited enquiry, refined the taste and enlarged the understanding-they would give to government no additional power or patronage, (unless the appointment of a Librarian would deserve the name)—would direct the studies of youth to no particular prescribed objects— and have no interest or power to maintain exploded systems, and erroneous opinions.

There is in all this no meddling with the business of instruction. But government may, and I think our state government ought, to go one step farther. The rich, who have funds, will, whenever they are strongly impressed with the necessity of it, either by associations or otherwise, provide proper seminaries for the education of their offspring. They require a moral stimalus, but no pecuniary aid from government.

But

some provision ought to be made in every state for the instruction of a numerous class, whose parents are too poor to support the expence. In Virginia this necessity is increased by the high price of labor in all the trades and professions, which of course by rendering education dearer, excludes from its incalculable benefits a far greater number than in most other countries. If, as in Scotland, for four or five shillings, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic and the Elements of Geometry, could be acquired, every one might afford to pay itbut ten or fifteen dollars, for half the benefit, is a more serious evil, and bears oppressively upon great num. bers. In this state, then, and indeed every where else, the education of the common people ought to be an ob ject of never ceasing solicitude, lest they should sink into gross ignorance and stupidity, and forget their moral, political and religious duties. How this object can be best provided for, may be a subject of some difference of opinion. My project in the general would be,

to establish a little school in each parish of Virginia, under prudent and economical arrangements. Let the master be selected by trustees nominated by a certain select committee appointed by law, and removable at pleasure with the right of immediate appeal to the Governor and Council. Let his salary depend in some measure on the fees of the scholars, but be such as to render those fees inconsiderable. Let books, honorary premiums and badges of distinction, be provided at public expence, and last of all, though not least, let Mr. Lancaster's admirable plan of instruction, where the population is so great as to require it, be introduced. Farther, I think, government cannot usefully act.

If I am correct, the project for erecting and endowing a grand institution for the education of youth, inde.pendent of constitutional objections, which I do not mean to touch, is more specious than sound; more showy than useful. It may flatter national pride, and impose upon the multitude by its magnificence and splendor. The votaries of science, especially, will be more exposed to its delusive charm. But it will probably give itself no considerable aid to the progress of truth and improvement, or be very ready to adopt the useful discoveries of others. The plan of the author of the "Prospectus" is in one branch of it liable to all the general objections herein urged, and to other peculiar ones. I say in one branch of it, because he proposes to unite two very distinct objects, "the advancement of knowledge by associations of scientific men, and the dissemination of its rudiments by the instruction of youth." To this last, in the way he proposes, I am entirely indisposed.

According to him, the professorate are to be appoin. ted by a Chancellor and board of Trustees, who are to assign them suitable compensations and remove them at pleasure, without control or question. Thus they will have no stimulus to exertion, and will endeavor, by cunning and subserviency, to supply the place of learning and industry. The Chancellor and Trustees are first appointed by the President of the United States, and the institution fills all its own vacancies. That is, the President has it in his power to impress on the university the character he pleases to proscribe some opinions and inculcate others, by appointing men adverse to the one, and favorable to the other; and the possibility of change is provided against by enabling the institution to fill its own vacancies. It has been truly re

marked, that these learned bodies have in all political contests inclined to the side of power and prerogative against the people. They are indeed in some measure themselves privileged, and their tendency to support privilege is natural. This bias must, however, be much stronger, when the executive branch of the government organizes the institution, and the means of regeneration are excluded.--But the Chancellor is by far the most important and formidable personage in this group. His powers seem to me little less than regal, and the more to be dreaded because they operate in silence and upon the mind. He has the whole literature of the country under his control, and can direct the opinions of men into any channel-By ordering the "course of lectures and the objects of study," he can at his pleasure arrest the tide of improvement and fetter the mind to existing institutions. Nor is it improbable he would exercise this power; for, although truth is progressive, individual minds are often stationary, and after a certain age admit new ideas with reluctance, and a sort of loathing. The Chancellor therefore with the best intentions, might not keep pace with the rapid march of science and with other than the best-as for example. if he became the instrument of designing men—or be· longed to a certain political party or religious sect, and was a bigot to his opinions-he would have the will as well as power to stifle in the rising generation, the propensity to free and discursive enquiry, and to involve truth itself in Cimmerian darkness. Thus this new pope would prescribe the limits to human investigation

train opinion to his own purposes and rule the mo ral world and thus would be created the monster so much dreaded, of an Imperium in Imperio, whose im perceptible and universal operation would daily and hourly exist.

That I have not exaggerated the size or fearful energy of this monster, I beg you to read the following extract from the " Prospectus," accompanying it at the same time with the recollection, that besides these particular and independent powers, this Chancellor may, with the board of trustees, (or College of Cardinals,) who are not very likely to prove refractory, exercise every other important one that belongs to the institution; such as managing its funds, organizing the professorate, appointing the professors--assigning their compensations-removing them-establishing a central College, and such others as their friends will allow, and governing them ad libitum:

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"There shall be a Chancellor of the institution; whose duty it shall be to superintend its general concerns. He shall, in the first instance, be appointed by the Presi"dent of the United States, and hold the office during the pleasure of the institution. He shall preside in it's ge"neral meetings; direct the order of it's deliberations, "and sign the diplomas of it's members. He shall be president of the board of trustees; and, in consequence "of their appropriations, order the payment of monies, and otherwise carry into execution their ordinances and resolutions. He shall be director of the professor"ate; order the courses of lectures; and other modes of instruction, and objects of study; confer degrees in the central university; appoint examiners, either at "the district colleges, or at the central university, for "the admission of students into the latter; fill vacancies "in the professorate, until the next meeting of the board "of trustees; and he shall have power to suspend from ""office a professor, until the time of such meeting. He "shall instruct and direct in their mission, such travelling professors as the board of trustees shall employ, "for the objects of science, in our own country or "abroad."

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Armed with such authority, I confess, my honored Uncle, I fear this Chancellor, his institution, and all his works.

fours,

Z

ALFRED.