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of his note of the 3d instant, in which, referring to the position taken on a former occasion in reference to the same subject, (see inclosure D to my No. 36, of January 15, 1870,) I declined to give him officially the names of the persons supposed to be in refuge at my house.

Shortly afterwards the minister sent me an official request, (inclosure E,) that I should deliver up to the government Messieurs Alerte, Modé, and Iacinthe. Meantime I had received rumors of a purpose to use force against my premises unless I yielded to the government's demand.

I think it is true that law-books were searched and that learned counsel was given to this end by the government. Indeed the case seemed so serious, that I thought it prudent to consult my diplomatic colleagues, and I was happy to find them in full accord with me in my view that I must not yield one inch to any menace inspired by the gov ernment or of any immunity that has been customarily accorded to for eign representatives of every grade in this country, and that if force came, I should protest against it and leave to whom it might concern the responsibility. My determination was soon understood, I know not by what means, at the government, and I forthwith got intimation of a disposition to receive milder counsels, which I thought it well to follow up by a personal call at the palace. The President was as cordial, cool, and dignified as usual in his manner. I ventured to sound him on the situation, and found that he responded sufficiently to admit of the introduction on my part of a guarded plea for moderation and temperate counsels, which was the fulfillment of the object of my visit.

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Minister Rameau afterward sent for me, and as soon as I arrived at his bureau he began an argument on my right to receive refugees at my country house," and then on my right to receive General Boisrond Canal as a refugee. I calmly told him that I did not suppose that he wished to develop any argument with me, and that if he wished to do so, it would be better perhaps to address me through the minister of foreign affairs.

We then dropped into an easy conversation, from which I gathered that the government was anxious lest its acts of the last four days should be misunderstood. I told him that he might be assured that any continuation of persecutions or any further violent acts on the part of his government would certainly be set down to its discredit abroad.

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The next day I sent the minister of foreign affairs a response (inclosure F) to his demand for delivering up Messieurs Alerte, Modé, and Iacinthe, in which I declined to enter into any lengthy argument on the subject, and declined also to accede to his demand. Later in the day the minister sent a circular-note to the members of the diplomatic corps, inviting us to assemble at the palace at 4 o'clock afternoon, as "the government has (had) an important communication to make" to At the same time he sent us another dispatch "covering the proclamations of the government issued since the first instant." There are seven of them, three dated May 1st instant and four dated the 2d instaut. Of the former, one is a long and somewhat passionate arraignment of the members of the opposition party who are charged with conspiracy against the government, and another is a decree banishing forty-four citizens from the country, in which are included the names of Messieurs Alerte, Modé, and Iacinthe, whom three days after the date of this decree the minister asked me to deliver up, a proceeding never before heard of in this country. Of the latter four proclamatious one is a decree of outlawry against General Boisrond Canal and his associates, in which every citizen is called upon to shoot them down at sight, (tout citoyen est appelé à leur courir sus.)

The invitation to meet at the palace was answered by the presence there at the appointed hour of the ministers of the United States and Great Britain, the chargés d'affaires of France and Santo Domingo, and the consuls of Germany and Spain, who are also quasi-diplomatic representatives. There were also present the President, all his ministers of state, and nine senators. When we had all been received and seated in the usual way, the President said he had asked us to come together in order that he might explain to us the steps which the government had taken during the past few days. He said that when he came to power, he decided to adopt a policy of conciliation, to which he had strictly adhered, until, failing in all his advances and paternal conduct toward the leaders of the opposition, who had all been his lieutenants, he found that they were in actual and wide-spread conspiracy against the existence of himself and his government. It was only then, he said, that he felt obliged to call them to account; that they had even then responded by an attack of arms, and that what had been done by him was for the maintenance of the public order, the dignity of the law and of his government. As the actual dean of the diplomatic corps, I briefly acknowledged his excellency's remarks, and assured him that we all felt an interest in moderation and tranquillity. The English minister then told the President with unmistakable emphasis that his consulate had been deliberately fired upon by government troops during the attack upon General Brice. Minister Rameau tried to explain this away, but my colleague repeated his charge with energy, and said he knew it was true of his own knowledge. The Spanish representative said, in the same energetic manner, that his consulate had likewise been deliberately fired into by government troops. The severity of the manner of my two colleagues in making these statements had a perceptible effect upon all present. But after toasts had been proposed by the minister of foreign affairs and by the president of the senate, to which none of our body responded, we retired. As we were leaving, one of the ministers said to me rapidly in the Creole language, "Gracious me! It seems as if that man (Major Stuart) is hopelessly displeased with us.”

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On the 6th instant the minister sent me an acknowledgment (inclosure G) of my dispatches of the 3d and the 4th instant, in reference to the surrounding of my premises by soldiers and to the uncivil conduct shown me on the 4th instant while I was on my way to town. struck me that his note might be considered satisfactory as far as it went, but that it scarcely covers the ground of my two dispatches to which it is intended to be an answer. I did not think it best, however, to make any further communication on the subject to him at the moment, under the circumstances.

On Friday (yesterday) morning the British minister, Major Stuart, called upon me to give me knowledge of a dispatch just received from the Earl of Derby, to which reference is made in my No. 362 of even date. As the dispatch touches upon the right of asylum, my colleague suggested that we should together call upon the minister of foreign affairs, convey to him the idea of the dispatch, and have an exchange of views with him on the public situation. We accordingly called at the minister's bureau, and when the Earl of Derby's dispatch had been in substance communicated to him, my colleague said to him, with unmistakable earnestness and candor, "Now, Mr. Minister, I wish it distinctly understood that from this day forward I shall receive and protect, as I may judge best, in my legation any and every person who

may apply for my protection. This I wish your government to understand well.”

We then spoke to him of the decree of outlawry against General Boisrond Canal and his associates. We made known to him our abhorrence of the decree, and suggested its modification. We spoke to him, also, of the unfavorable impression which arbitrary arrests and other acts of severity would create in foreign countries, and made a plea for just and humane conduct. I am inclined to believe, and so is my colleague, that this interview will be promotive of good results.

We suppose that all that is herein stated was part of a well-matured plan in the nature of a coup d'état. We do not believe that there was any conspiracy on the part of the men who have been persecuted. There is as yet no evidence developed for us that such was the case. On the contrary, all the evidence within our reach up to this date leads the other way. The men persecuted were of the best citizens of the country. They had all entirely withdrawn from all kinds of political action, and each was quietly engaged in his own industrial pursuits. If there was any conspiracy, it was a wicked combination to fabricate testimony and pour it in simultaneously from different points upon the President against the unfortunate men who have been made to suffer.

I repeat that they were of the very best citizens of the country in all respects. The bravery, ability, and power with the people and with the better classes, as well as of men like Generals Pierre, Brice, and Canal, were known to no one better than to the President.

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As to the refugees at my house, there will probably be no difficulty in embarking all of them except General Boisrond Canal and his two relatives. It is claimed by government partisans that they are criminals; that they have defied the law, and that they have criminally taken human life. But I may say, first of all, that not one of my colleaguesnot a single impartial or unpartisan person here, to the best of my knowledge and belief, accepts these charges as true. The order for the arrest of Pierre, Brice, and Canal was in no way conformable to any law of the country. They knew, as we all know, that their arrest meant humiliation, banishment, or, more probably, ignominious death. I do not believe, nor does one of my colleagues believe, that they can in any just sense be called violators of the law. They were attacked separately and in defiance of the law, and they defended themselves as best they could against overwhelming numbers and illegal violence. At any rate I will assume, if you will allow me to do so, the responsibility of asserting that General Boisrond Canal and the two young men with him at my house, whom I do not know, and in whom I have no personal interest aside from the innate American desire to see fair play and justice, are in no just sense criminals or violators of the law, and that they are as much entitled to the right of asylum as any other persons who have availed themselves of that right under our flag in this country during the past twenty years. I do not wish to defend the so-called right in any way. It is this government and other powers represented here that continue it, and not ourselves. I do not see how we can ignore it, in the face of the practice which has existed here for seventy years. I say this in full view of the opinion of the Department, so often expressed, with so much wisdom and forecast, on this subject.

Another fact is noticeable. The two other men who were supposed to be with General Boisrond Canal, and to have fallen during their coutests, are known to be now safely in the British legation, or, more exactly,

in the British consulate. These two aud the three with me are all under the same decree of outlawry. Yet the British consulate is not surrounded by troops, no official demand is made for their delivery, and there is no hunting up of laws at the government for pretexts and authority to seize the refugees by force from under the British flag. It must be stated, however, that General Boisrond Canal is the chief personage in the party sought out for vengeance; and, besides that, the three under our flag are in my house in the country and not in the city. I note this last fact in justice to a view which I understand this government pretends it wishes to take of the asylum given to General Canal. It has been considered fortunate that my British colleague has had in this harbor during the occurrences herein narrated a man-of-war, and that my colleague of Spain has received response to his request for the presence here of an armed vessel of his government by the entry into these waters of the "Churruca" this evening. I could not quite see the entire judiciousness of telegraphing to you, as I was much urged to do, for a Government vessel, though it is clear enough to me now that if one had been here its presence would have exerted a wholesome influ

ence.

It would even now strengthen our own moral force as compared with that of the other great powers represented in this country.

I shall keep you informed of any further significant developments that may be made in this singular political drama. I sincerely hope for the calming down of passion, and the speedy return of better and wiser counsels, though I must confess that the presence of a thousand armed men around my country residence, (which covers about fifteen acres,) with discontent stamped on their faces and Henry rifles in their hands, does not quite give the best possible ground for my hope.

I have, &c.,

EBENEZER D. BASSETT.

[A.-Inclosure 1 in No. 364.-Translation.]

Mr. Excellent to Mr. Bassett.

BUREAU OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
Port au Prince, May 3, 1875.

Mr. MINISTER: It has come to the knowledge of the government that certain rebels, who these last days have resisted its authority in firing upon its troops, and who still resist, have taken refuge, they and their adherents, in the country house which you occupy at Turgean.

The government desires to know the names of these individuals, who have indeed killed this morning a soldier of one of our posts not far from your house. I have the honor, Mr. Minister, to salute you with a very high consideration. EXCELLENT,

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

Mr. E. D. Bassett,
Minister-Resident of the United States, Port au Prince.

[B.-Inclosure 2 in No. 364.]

Mr. Bassett to Mr. Excellent.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

Port au Prince, May 3, 1875.

MONSIEUR: I have the honor to represent that my official residence is surrounded by large numbers of armed men, the roads and avenues of approach to my house are

guarded by soldiers of the government, the free ingress and egress of myself and my household are impeded thereby, and both myself and my household feel ourselves in personal danger by the presence of these armed men.

Such a surrounding of the official residence of a diplomatic agent of a friendly foreign power is a proceeding which can scarcely be justified under any circumstances.

It is liable to lead at any moment to unpleasant results. I have therefore to suggest to you, Mr. Minister, that these armed men be at once retired from such near vicinity of my residence, and to request that an explanation be made to me of the proceeding of which I here complain.

I am, monsieur, your obedient servant,

Monsieur EXCELLENT,

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

EBENEZER D. BASSETT.

[C.-Inclosure 3 in No. 364.]

Mr. Bassett to Mr. Excellent.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Port au Prince, May 4, 1875.

MONSIEUR: I have the honor to inform you that while I was coming to my office this morning in company with my fellow-citizen Mr. Lazare, I was stopped by an armed band of men near the point where the Turgean road enters the Champ de Mars, the bridle of my horse was rudely seized by these men, deadly weapons were drawn upon us, in spite of all I could say, I was for several minutes prevented from either proceeding on my way to town or returning to my residence, and mean time unpleasant language was addressed to me by these men. My servant woman, Cesarine Davis, while coming to market this morning, was also stopped at the same place, and rudely treated. All these proceedings took place in the presence of the officers in command and with their active concurrence.

I have therefore to ask of you, Mr. Minister, that your agents who took part in the proceeding shall be brought to a sense of responsibility for their acts on this particular occasion; that an explanation of their extraordinary conduct toward the representative of the United States be made to me; and that such orders be given for the future as will prevent a recurrence of like disrespectful proceedings.

I am, monsieur, your obedient servant,

Monsieur EXCELLENT,

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

EBENEZER D. BASSETT.

[D.-Inclosure 4 in No. 364.]

Mr. Bassett to Mr. Excellent.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Port au Prince, May 4, 1875.

MONSIEUR: Referring to your dispatch of yesterday, in which you ask me for a list of persons whom you suppose to be in my official residence, I have the honor to state that the same request was made to this legation in January, 1870, by your predecessor, Mr. T. Ramean, and that in the answer given by this legation January 13, 1870, to his request, occur these words:

"The persons who may have sought refuge under my flag are considered as being on the territory and under the protection of the United States.

"I guarantee that they shall in no way affect the public order while they remain here.

"It has been the uniform practice between the government of Hayti and the other powers represented here to furnish such list as you request solely with the view to the release or embarkation of the persons in refuge, and not at all for the purpose of affording the Haytian government the opportunity of searching them out, or putting in force its measures of police. In consideration of these facts, and in consideration of instructions to this legation from the United States Government relating to the subject, I must beg you to excuse me for the present from furnishing the requested list." The question having been once thus officially decided, I beg you to believe that no other ground can now be taken in reference to it.

I am, monsieur, your obedient servant,

Monsieur EXCELLENT,

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

EBENEZER D. BASSETT.

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